Forage Michel de Montaigne · Essays · I.14 That the Taste of Good and Evil Depends in Large Part on Our Opinion of Them
Michel de Montaigne · Essays

I.14 That the Taste of Good and Evil Depends in Large Part on Our Opinion of Them

Que le goust des biens et des maux despend en bonne partie de l’opinion que nous en auons · If evils reach us only through our opinions, we can change their taste; Montaigne tests this on death, pain, and poverty.

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    LES hommes, dit vne sentence Grecque ancienne, sont tourmentez par les opinions qu’ils ont des choses, non par les choses mesmes. Il y auroit vn grand poinct gaigné pour le soulagement de nostre miserable condition humaine, qui pourroit establir cette proposition vraye tout par tout. Car si les maux n’ont entrée en nous, que par nostre iugement, il semble qu’il soit en nostre pouuoir de les mespriser ou contourner à bien. Si les choses se rendent à nostre mercy, pourquoy n’en cheuirons nous, ou ne les accommoderons nous à nostre aduantage?

    Men, says an old Greek maxim, are tormented by the opinions they have of things, not by the things themselves. A great point would be gained for the relief of our wretched human condition by anyone who could establish this proposition as true everywhere. For if evils enter us only through our judgment, it seems that it is in our power to despise them or turn them to good. If things surrender to our mercy, why shall we not master them, or adapt them to our advantage?

    The maxim is from Epictetus, Manual 5.

    Si ce que nous appellons mal et tourment, n’est ny mal ny tourment de soy, ains seulement que nostre fantasie luy donne cette qualité, il est en nous de la changer: et en ayant le choix, si nul ne nous force, nous sommes estrangement fols de nous bander pour le party qui nous est le plus ennuyeux: et de donner aux maladies, à l’indigence et au mespris vn aigre et mauuais goust, si nous le leur pouuons donner bon: et si la fortune fournissant simplement de matiere, c’est à nous de luy donner la forme.

    If what we call evil and torment is neither evil nor torment in itself, but only our fancy gives it that quality, it is in our power to change it. And having the choice, if nothing compels us, we are strangely foolish to strain ourselves for the side that is most painful to us, and to give sickness, poverty and contempt a bitter and bad taste if we can give them a good one—if, fortune merely supplying the matter, it is up to us to give it the form.

    Or que ce que nous appellons mal, ne le soit pas de soy, ou au moins tel qu’il soit, qu’il depende de nous de luy donner autre saueur, et autre visage, car tout reuient à vn, voyons s’il se peut maintenir.

    Now, that what we call evil is not so in itself, or at least that, whatever it is, it depends on us to give it another flavor and another face—for it all comes to the same—let us see whether this can be maintained.

    Si l’estre originel de ces choses que nous craignons, auoit credit de se loger en nous de son authorité, il logeroit pareil et semblable en tous: car les hommes sont tous d’vne espece: et sauf le plus et le moins, se trouuent garnis de pareils outils et instruments pour conceuoir et iuger. Mais la diuersité des opinions, que nous auons de ces choses là, montre clairement qu’elles n’entrent en nous que par composition. Tel à l’aduenture les loge chez soy en leur vray estre, mais mille autres leur donnent vn estre nouueau et contraire chez eux. Nous tenons la mort, la pauureté et la douleur pour nos principales parties.

    If the original being of these things we fear had the power to lodge itself in us on its own authority, it would lodge alike and the same in all; for men are all of one species, and, apart from more or less, are furnished with the same tools and instruments for conceiving and judging. But the diversity of opinions we have about these things shows clearly that they enter us only on terms we agree to. One man perhaps lodges them in himself in their true being, but a thousand others give them a new and contrary being within themselves. We take death, poverty and pain as our principal adversaries.

    Or cette mort que les vns appellent des choses horribles la plus horrible, qui ne sçait que d’autres la nomment l’vnique port des tourmens de cette vie? le souuerain bien de nature? seul appuy de nostre liberté? et commune et prompte recepte à tous maux? Et comme les vns l’attendent tremblans et effrayez, d’autres la supportent plus aysement que la vie. Celuy-là se plaint de sa facilité: Mors, vtinam pauidos vitæ subducere nolles, / Sed virtus te sola daret!

    Now this death, which some call the most horrible of horrible things—who does not know that others call it the only harbor from the torments of this life? the sovereign good of nature? the sole support of our liberty? and the common and ready remedy for all ills? And as some await it trembling and terrified, others bear it more easily than life. One man complains of how easy it is: O Death, would that you refused to take the cowards from life, / and that valor alone could bestow you!

    Lucan, Pharsalia IV.

    Or laissons ces glorieux courages: Theodorus respondit à Lysimachus menaçant de le tuer: Tu feras vn grand coup d’arriuer à la force d’vne cantharide. La plus part des Philosophes se trouuent auoir ou preuenu par dessein, ou hasté et secouru leur mort. Combien voit-on de personnes populaires, conduictes à la mort, et non à vne mort simple, mais meslee de honte, et quelquefois de griefs tourmens, y apporter vne telle asseurance, qui par opiniatreté, qui par simplesse naturelle, qu’on n’y apperçoit rien de changé de leur estat ordinaire: establissans leurs affaires domestiques, se recommandans à leurs amis, chantans, preschans et entretenans le peuple: voire y meslans quelquefois des mots pour rire, et beuuans à leurs cognoissans, aussi bien que Socrates?

    But let us leave aside these lofty spirits: Theodorus answered Lysimachus, who was threatening to kill him, “You will have done a great feat if you match the strength of a Spanish fly.” Most philosophers are found either to have forestalled their death deliberately, or to have hastened and assisted it. How many common people we see led to death—and not a simple death, but one mixed with shame and sometimes with grievous torments—who bring to it such assurance, some from obstinacy, some from natural simplicity, that one can see no change in their ordinary state: settling their household affairs, commending themselves to their friends, singing, preaching and talking to the crowd, sometimes even mixing in jokes, and drinking to their acquaintances, just as Socrates did!

    Theodorus of Cyrene, called the Atheist; Lysimachus, Macedonian general who became king of Thrace. The Spanish fly is a blister beetle whose poison can kill.

    Vn qu’on menoit au gibet, disoit que ce ne fust pas par telle ruë, car il y auoit danger qu’vn marchant luy fist mettre la main sur le collet, à cause d’vn vieux debte. Vn autre disoit au bourreau qu’il ne le touchast pas à la gorge, de peur de le faire tressaillir de rire, tant il estoit chatouilleux: l’autre respondit à son confesseur, qui luy promettoit qu’il soupperoit ce iour là auec nostre Seigneur, Allez vous y en vous, car de ma part ie ieusne. Vn autre ayant demandé à boire, et le bourreau ayant beu le premier, dit ne vouloir boire apres luy, de peur de prendre la verolle.

    One man being taken to the gallows said they should not go by a certain street, because there was a danger that a merchant might have him seized by the collar for an old debt. Another told the executioner not to touch his throat for fear of making him jump with laughter, he was so ticklish. Another answered his confessor, who promised him that he would sup that day with our Lord: “You go there yourself; as for me, I am fasting.” Another, having asked for a drink, and the executioner having drunk first, said he would not drink after him for fear of catching the pox.

    Chacun a ouy faire le conte du Picard, auquel estant à l’eschelle on presente vne garse, et que, comme nostre iustice permet quelquefois, s’il la vouloit espouser, on luy sauueroit la vie: luy l’ayant vn peu contemplee, et apperçeu qu’elle boittoit: Attache, attache, dit-il, elle cloche. Et on dit de mesmes qu’en Dannemarc vn homme condamné à auoir la teste tranchee, estant sur l’eschaffaut, comme on luy presenta vne pareille condition, la refusa, par ce que la fille qu’on luy offrit, auoit les iouës auallees, et le nez trop pointu.

    Everyone has heard the tale of the man from Picardy who, when he was on the ladder, was presented with a girl and told that, as our justice sometimes allows, his life would be spared if he would marry her. He looked at her a little, noticed that she limped, and said: “Tie the rope, tie the rope—she hobbles.” And similarly it is said that in Denmark a man condemned to be beheaded, when he was on the scaffold and offered a similar condition, refused it because the girl they offered him had sagging cheeks and too pointed a nose.

    Vn valet à Thoulouse accusé d’heresie, pour toute raison de sa creance, se rapportoit à celle de son maistre, ieune escolier prisonnier avec luy, et ayma mieux mourir, que se laisser persuader que son maistre peust errer. Nous lisons de ceux de la ville d’Arras, lors que le Roy Loys vnziesme la print, qu’il s’en trouua bon nombre parmy le peuple qui se laisserent pendre, plustost que de dire, Viue le Roy. Et de ces viles ames de bouffons, il s’en est trouué qui n’ont voulu abandonner leur gaudisserie en la mort mesme. Celuy à qui le bourreau donnoit le branle, s’escria, Vogue la gallee, qui estoit son refrain ordinaire.

    A servant in Toulouse accused of heresy gave as the whole ground of his belief that of his master, a young student imprisoned with him, and preferred to die rather than let himself be persuaded that his master could be wrong. We read of the people of the town of Arras, when King Louis XI took it, that a good number were found among the common people who let themselves be hanged rather than say “Long live the King.” And among those base souls the buffoons, there have been some who would not give up their jesting even in death itself. The one whom the hangman was pushing off the ladder cried, “Row on, galley!”—which was his usual refrain.

    Louis XI took Arras in 1477. “Vogue la galère” was a proverbial cry meaning “come what may.”

    Et l’autre qu’on auoit couché sur le point de rendre sa vie le long du foier sur vne paillasse, à qui le medecin demandant où le mal le tenoit; Entre le banc et le feu, respondit-il. Et le prestre, pour luy donner l’extreme onction, cherchant ses pieds, qu’il auoit reserrez et contraints par la maladie: Vous les trouuerez, dit-il, au bout de mes iambes. A l’homme qui l’exhortoit de se recommander à Dieu, Qui y va? demanda-il: et l’autre respondant, Ce sera tantost vous mesmes, s’il luy plaist: Y fusse-ie bien demain au soir, repliqua-il: Recommandez vous seulement à luy, suiuit l’autre, vous y serez bien tost: Il vaut donc mieux, adiousta-il, que ie luy porte mes recommandations moy-mesmes.

    And the other, who had been laid on a straw mattress along the hearth, on the point of giving up his life: when the doctor asked him where the pain held him, he answered, “Between the bench and the fire.” And when the priest, to give him extreme unction, was searching for his feet, which the illness had drawn up and contracted, he said, “You’ll find them at the end of my legs.” To the man who was urging him to commend himself to God, he asked, “Who is going there?” And when the other answered, “You yourself, soon, if it pleases Him,” he replied, “If only I were there by tomorrow evening!” “Just commend yourself to Him,” the other went on, “you will soon be there.” “Then it is better,” he added, “that I take Him my commendations myself.”

    Au Royaume de Narsingue encores auiourd’huy, les femmes de leurs prestres sont viues enseuelies avec le corps de leurs maris. Toutes autres femmes sont bruslees aux funerailles des leurs: non constamment seulement, mais gaïement. A la mort du Roy, ses femmes et concubines, ses mignons et tous ses officiers et seruiteurs, qui sont vn peuple, se presentent si allegrement au feu où son corps est bruslé, qu’ils montrent prendre à grand honneur d’y accompaigner leur maistre.

    In the kingdom of Narsingue, even today, the wives of their priests are buried alive with the bodies of their husbands. All other women are burned at their husbands’ funerals, not only steadfastly but gaily. At the death of the king, his wives and concubines, his favorites and all his officers and servants, who make up a whole population, present themselves so cheerfully at the fire where his body is burned that they show they take it as a great honor to accompany their master there.

    Narsingue was the European name for the kingdom of Vijayanagara in southern India.

    Pendant nos dernieres guerres de Milan, et tant de prises et récousses, le peuple impatient de si diuers changemens de fortune, print telle resolution à la mort, que i’ay ouy dire à mon pere, qu’il y veit tenir comte de bien vingt et cinq maistres de maison, qui s’estoient deffaits eux-mesmes en vne sepmaine. Accident approchant à celuy des Xanthiens, lesquels assiegez par Brutus se precipiterent pesle mesle hommes, femmes, et enfans à vn si furieux appetit de mourir, qu’on ne fait rien pour fuir la mort, que ceux-cy ne fissent pour fuir la vie: en maniere qu’à peine peut Brutus en sauuer vn bien petit nombre.

    During our recent wars in the Milanese, with so many captures and recaptures, the people, unable to bear such varied changes of fortune, became so resolved on death that I heard my father say he saw a count kept of a good twenty-five heads of household who had done away with themselves in one week. An incident close to that of the Xanthians, who, besieged by Brutus, threw themselves headlong to their deaths, men, women and children together, with so furious an appetite for dying that nothing is done to escape death which these did not do to escape life; so that Brutus could barely save a very small number of them.

    Montaigne’s father, Pierre Eyquem, fought in the Italian wars of Francis I. Brutus besieged Xanthus in Lycia in 42 BC.

    Toute opinion est assez forte, pour se faire espouser au prix de la vie. Le premier article de ce courageux serment, que la Grece iura, et maintint, en la guerre Medoise, ce fut, que chacun changeroit plustost la mort à la vie, que les loix Persiennes aux leurs. Combien void on de monde en la guerre des Turcs et des Grecs, accepter plustost la mort tres-aspre, que de se descirconcire pour se baptizer? Exemple dequoy nulle sorte de religion est incapable.

    Any opinion is strong enough to get itself embraced at the cost of life. The first article of that courageous oath which Greece swore and kept in the Median war was that each man would sooner exchange life for death than their own laws for Persian ones. How many people do we see, in the war between the Turks and the Greeks, accept a very harsh death rather than be uncircumcised in order to be baptized? An example of which no kind of religion is incapable.

    The Median war is the Greeks’ war against the Persians (490–479 BC).

    Les Roys de Castille ayants banni de leur terre, les Iuifs, le Roy Iehan de Portugal leur vendit à huict escus pour teste, la retraicte aux siennes pour vn certain temps: à condition, que iceluy venu, ils auroient à les vuider: et leur promettoit fournir de vaisseaux à les traiecter en Afrique.

    When the kings of Castile had banished the Jews from their land, King John of Portugal sold them, at eight crowns a head, refuge in his own for a certain time, on condition that when it was up they would have to leave; and he promised to supply ships to carry them over to Africa.

    The Jews were expelled from Castile and Aragon in 1492; John II was king of Portugal (1481–1495).

    Le iour arriue, lequel passé il estoit dit, que ceux qui n’auroient obeï, demeureroient esclaues: les vaisseaux leur furent fournis escharcement: et ceux qui s’y embarquerent, rudement et villainement traittez par les passagers: qui outre plusieurs autres indignitez les amuserent sur mer, tantost auant, tantost arriere, iusques à ce qu’ils eussent consumé leurs victuailles, et contreints d’en acheter d’eux si cherement et si longuement, qu’on ne les mit à bord, qu’ils ne fussent du tout en chemise. La nouuelle de cette inhumanité, rapportee à ceux qui estoient en terre, la plus part se resolurent à la seruitude: aucuns firent contenance de changer de religion.

    The day came after which, it had been declared, those who had not obeyed would remain slaves. Ships were supplied to them sparingly, and those who embarked were harshly and basely treated by the crews, who, besides many other indignities, kept them idling at sea, now forward, now back, until they had used up their provisions and were forced to buy food from them at such a price and for so long that they were not put ashore until they were stripped to their shirts. When news of this inhumanity was brought to those still on land, most of them resolved on servitude; some made a show of changing their religion.

    Emmanuel successeur de Iehan, venu à la couronne, les meit premierement en liberté, et changeant d’aduis depuis, leur ordonna de sortir de ses païs, assignant trois ports à leur passage. Il esperoit, dit l’Euesque Osorius, non mesprisable historien Latin, de noz siecles: que la faueur de la liberté, qu’il leur auoit rendue, aiant failli de les conuertir au Christianisme, la difficulté de se commettre à la volerie des mariniers, d’abandonner vn païs, où ils estoient habituez, auec grandes richesses, pour s’aller ietter en region incognue et estrangere, les y rameineroit.

    Emmanuel, John’s successor, on coming to the crown, first set them free, and later, changing his mind, ordered them to leave his lands, assigning three ports for their passage. He hoped, says Bishop Osorius, a Latin historian of our times who is not to be despised, that since the favor of the freedom he had restored to them had failed to convert them to Christianity, the difficulty of exposing themselves to the plundering of the sailors, and of abandoning a country where they were settled with great wealth to go and cast themselves into an unknown and foreign region, would bring them round to it.

    Manuel I, king of Portugal (1495–1521); Jerónimo Osório (1506–1580), bishop of Silves, wrote a Latin history of his reign.

    Mais se voyant decheu de son esperance, et eux tous deliberez au passage: il retrancha deux des ports, qu’il leur auoit promis: affin que la longueur et incommodité du traiect en reduisist aucuns: ou qu’il eust moien de les amonceller tous à vn lieu, pour vne plus grande commodité de l’execution qu’il auoit destinée. Ce fut, qu’il ordonna qu’on arrachast d’entre les mains des peres et des meres, tous les enfans au dessous de quatorze ans, pour les transporter hors de leur veüe et conuersation, en lieu où ils fussent instruits à nostre religion.

    But seeing himself disappointed in his hope, and all of them determined to make the crossing, he cut out two of the ports he had promised them, so that the length and hardship of the journey might bring some of them round, or so that he might have the means to gather them all in one place, the more conveniently to carry out what he had planned. This was that he ordered all children under fourteen to be torn from the hands of their fathers and mothers, to be carried out of their sight and company to a place where they would be instructed in our religion.

    Il dit que cet effect produisit vn horrible spectacle: la naturelle affection d’entre les peres et enfants, et de plus, le zele à leur ancienne creance, combattant à l’encontre de cette violente ordonnance. Il fut veu communement des peres et meres se deffaisants eux mesmes: et d’vn plus rude exemple encore, precipitants par amour et compassion, leurs ieunes enfans dans des puits, pour fuir à la loy. Au demeurant le terme qu’il leur auoit prefix expiré, par faute de moiens, ils se remirent en seruitude.

    He says that this measure produced a horrible spectacle, the natural affection between parents and children, and their zeal for their ancient faith besides, fighting against this violent decree. Fathers and mothers were commonly seen doing away with themselves, and, as a still harsher example, throwing their young children down wells out of love and compassion, to escape the law. For the rest, when the term he had fixed for them expired, lacking the means to leave, they returned to servitude.

    Quelques vns se feirent Chrestiens: de la foy desquels, ou de leur race, encore auiourd’huy, cent ans apres, peu de Portugais s’asseurent: quoy que la coustume et la longueur du temps, soient bien plus fortes conseilleres à telles mutations, que toute autre contreinte. En la ville de Castelnau Darry, cinquante Albigeois heretiques, souffrirent à la fois, d’vn courage determiné, d’estre bruslez vifs en vn feu, auant desaduouer leurs opinions. Quoties non modò ductores nostri, dit Cicero, sed vniuersi etiam exercitus, ad non dubiam mortem concurrerunt?

    Some became Christians; and even today, a hundred years later, few Portuguese feel sure of their faith or of their descendants’—although custom and length of time are far stronger counselors for such changes than any other constraint. In the town of Castelnaudary, fifty Albigensian heretics suffered at one time, with determined courage, to be burned alive in one fire rather than disavow their opinions. How often, says Cicero, have not only our leaders but whole armies rushed to certain death?

    The Albigensians were the Cathars of southern France, persecuted in the 13th century.

    I’ay veu quelqu’vn de mes intimes amis courre la mort à force, d’vne vraye affection, et enracinee en son cœur par diuers visages de discours, que ie ne luy sçeu rabatre: et à la premiere qui s’offrit coiffee d’vn lustre d’honneur, s’y precipiter hors de toute apparence, d’vne fin aspre et ardente. Nous auons plusieurs exemples en nostre temps de ceux, iusques aux enfans, qui de craincte de quelque legere incommodité, se sont donnez à la mort. Et à ce propos, que ne craindrons nous, dit vn ancien, si nous craignons ce que la couardise mesme a choisi pour sa retraitte?

    I have seen one of my intimate friends hunt death down with all his might, out of a genuine longing, rooted in his heart by various forms of reasoning that I could not talk him out of; and at the first death that offered itself crowned with a luster of honor, throw himself into it beyond all likelihood, in a harsh and burning end. We have several examples in our time of people, even children, who for fear of some slight discomfort have put themselves to death. And on this point, what shall we not fear, says one of the ancients, if we fear what cowardice itself has chosen as its refuge?

    D’enfiler icy vn grand rolle de ceux de tous sexes et conditions, et de toutes sectes, és siecles plus heureux, qui ont ou attendu la mort constamment, ou recerchee volontairement: et recherchee non seulement pour fuir les maux de cette vie, mais aucuns pour fuir simplement la satieté de viure: et d’autres pour l’esperance d’vne meilleure condition ailleurs, ie n’auroy iamais fait. Et en est le nombre si infini, qu’à la verité i’auroy meilleur marché de mettre en compte ceux qui l’ont crainte. Cecy seulement. Pyrrho le Philosophe se trouuant vn iour de grande tourmente dans vn batteau, montroit à ceux qu’il voyoit les plus effrayez autour de luy, et les encourageoit par l’exemple d’vn pourceau, qui y estoit, nullement soucieux de cet orage.

    If I were to string out here a long list of those of every sex and condition and of every sect, in happier ages, who have either awaited death steadfastly or sought it voluntarily—and sought it not only to escape the evils of this life, but some simply to escape the satiety of living, and others in the hope of a better condition elsewhere—I would never be done. And their number is so infinite that in truth I would have an easier time counting those who have feared it. This one only. Pyrrho the philosopher, finding himself one day in a boat during a great storm, pointed out to those he saw most frightened around him a pig that was aboard, not in the least bothered by the storm, and encouraged them by its example.

    Pyrrho of Elis (c. 360–270 BC), founder of the skeptical school later called Pyrrhonism.

    Oserons nous donc dire que cet aduantage de la raison, dequoy nous faisons tant de feste, et pour le respect duquel nous nous tenons maistre et Empereurs du reste des creatures, ait esté mis en nous, pour nostre tourment? A quoy faire la cognoissance des choses, si nous en deuenons plus lasches? si nous en perdons le repos et la tranquilité, où nous serions sans cela? et si elle nous rend de pire condition que le pourceau de Pyrrho? L’intelligence qui nous a esté donnée pour nostre plus grand bien, l’employerons nous à nostre ruine; combatans le dessein de nature, et l’vniuersel ordre des choses, qui porte que chacun vse de ses vtils et moyens pour sa commodité?

    Shall we dare say, then, that this advantage of reason, which we make so much of, and on account of which we consider ourselves masters and emperors of the rest of creation, was put into us for our torment? What is the use of knowing things if we become more cowardly for it? if we lose the repose and tranquility we would have without it? and if it makes our condition worse than that of Pyrrho’s pig? Shall we use the intelligence that was given us for our greatest good to our ruin, fighting the design of nature and the universal order of things, which requires that each use its tools and means for its own benefit?

    The objection from pain

    Pain seems the hardest case, yet even pain takes up only as much room as we give it.

    Bien, me dira lon, vostre regle serue à la mort; mais que direz vous de l’indigence? que direz vous encor de la douleur, qu’Aristippus, Hieronymus et la pluspart des sages, ont estimé le dernier mal: et ceux qui le nioient de parole, le confessoient par effect? Possidonius estant extremement tourmenté d’vne maladie aigüe et douloureuse, Pompeius le fut voir, et s’excusa d’auoir prins heure si importune pour l’ouyr deuiser de la Philosophie: Ia à Dieu ne plaise, luy dit Possidonius, que la douleur gaigne tant sur moy, qu’elle m’empesche d’en discourir: et se ietta sur ce mesme propos du mespris de la douleur. Mais ce pendant elle ioüoit son rolle, et le pressoit incessamment.

    “Fine,” someone will tell me, “let your rule serve for death; but what will you say of poverty? And what will you say of pain, which Aristippus, Hieronymus and most of the wise considered the ultimate evil—and those who denied it in words confessed it in deeds?” When Posidonius was extremely tormented by an acute and painful illness, Pompey went to see him and apologized for having chosen so inconvenient a time to hear him discourse on philosophy. “God forbid,” Posidonius said to him, “that pain should get such a hold on me as to prevent me from discussing it”; and he launched into that very subject, the contempt of pain. But meanwhile pain was playing its part and pressing him relentlessly.

    Aristippus of Cyrene and Hieronymus of Rhodes were Greek philosophers; Posidonius was a Stoic whom Pompey visited at Rhodes.

    A quoy il s’escrioit: Tu as beau faire douleur, si ne diray-ie pas, que tu sois mal. Ce comte qu’ils font tant valoir, que porte-il pour le mespris de la douleur? il ne debat que du mot. Et ce pendant si ces pointures ne l’esmeuuent, pourquoy en rompt-il son propos? pourquoy pense-il faire beaucoup de ne l’appeller pas mal? Icy tout ne consiste pas en l’imagination. Nous opinons du reste; c’est icy la certaine science, qui iouë son rolle, nos sens mesmes en sont iuges: Qui nisi sunt veri, ratio quoque falsa sit omnis. Ferons nous accroire à nostre peau, que les coups d’estriuiere la chatoüillent? et à nostre goust que l’aloé soit du vin de Graues?

    At which he cried out: “Do what you will, pain, I still will not say that you are an evil.” This story that they make so much of—what does it contribute to the contempt of pain? He is only arguing about the word. And meanwhile, if these stabs do not move him, why does he break off his discourse for them? Why does he think he is doing much by not calling it an evil? Here not everything consists in imagination. On other things we hold opinions; here it is certain knowledge that plays its part; our very senses are the judges of it: For unless they are true, all reason too is false. Shall we make our skin believe that the lashes of a strap tickle it? And our palate that aloes is Graves wine?

    Lucretius, On the Nature of Things IV. Graves is the wine country near Bordeaux.

    Le pourceau de Pyrrho est icy de nostre escot. Il est bien sans effroy à la mort: mais si on le bat, il crie et se tourmente. Forcerons nous la generale loy de nature, qui se voit en tout ce qui est viuant sous le ciel, de trembler sous la douleur? Les arbres mesmes semblent gemir aux offences.

    Pyrrho’s pig is on our side here. He is unafraid of death, to be sure; but if you beat him, he squeals and writhes. Shall we override the general law of nature, seen in everything that lives under heaven, which is to tremble under pain? Trees themselves seem to groan when they are injured.

    La mort ne se sent que par le discours, d’autant que c’est le mouuement d’vn instant. Aut fuit, aut veniet; nihil est præsentis in illa. / Morsque minus pœnæ, quàm mora mortis habet. Mille bestes, mille hommes sont plustost morts, que menassés. Aussi ce que nous disons craindre principalement en la mort, c’est la douleur son auant-coureuse coustumiere. Toutesfois, s’il en faut croire vn saint pere, malam mortem non facit, nisi quod sequitur mortem. Et ie diroy encore plus vraysemblablement, que ny ce qui va deuant, ny ce qui vient apres, n’est des appartenances de la mort. Nous nous excusons faussement.

    Death is felt only through reasoning, since it is the motion of an instant. Either it has been or it is still to come; there is nothing of the present in it. / And death holds less pain than the waiting for death. A thousand beasts, a thousand men are dead before they are threatened. So too what we say we chiefly fear in death is pain, its usual forerunner. Yet, if we are to believe a holy father, What makes death evil is only what follows death. And I would say, still more plausibly, that neither what goes before nor what comes after belongs to death. We make false excuses for ourselves.

    The holy father is Saint Augustine, City of God I.11.

    Et ie trouue par experience, que c’est plustost l’impatience de l’imagination de la mort, qui nous rend impatiens de la douleur: et que nous la sentons doublement grieue, de ce qu’elle nous menace de mourir. Mais la raison accusant nostre lascheté, de craindre chose si soudaine, si ineuitable, si insensible, nous prenons cet autre pretexte plus excusable. Tous les maux qui n’ont autre danger que du mal, nous les disons sans danger. Celuy des dents, ou de la goutte, pour grief qu’il soit, d’autant qu’il n’est pas homicide, qui le met en conte de maladie?

    And I find by experience that it is rather our impatience at the thought of death that makes us impatient of pain, and that we feel pain doubly grievous because it threatens us with death. But since reason accuses our cowardice of fearing something so sudden, so inevitable, so imperceptible, we seize on this other, more excusable pretext. All ills that carry no danger beyond the ill itself we call without danger. Toothache or gout, however grievous, since it does not kill—who counts it as an illness?

    Or bien presupposons le, qu’en la mort nous regardons principalement la douleur. Comme aussi la pauureté n’a rien à craindre, que cela, qu’elle nous iette entre ses bras par la soif, la faim, le froid, le chaud, les veilles, qu’elle nous fait souffrir. Ainsi n’ayons affaire qu’à la douleur. Ie leur donne que ce soit le pire accident de nostre estre: et volontiers. Car ie suis l’homme du monde qui luy veux autant de mal, et qui la fuis autant, pour iusques à present n’auoir pas eu, Dieu mercy, grand commerce auec elle; mais il est en nous, sinon de l’aneantir, au moins de l’amoindrir par patience: et quand bien le corps s’en esmouueroit, de maintenir ce neant-moins l’ame et la raison en bonne trampe.

    Well then, let us suppose that in death we chiefly regard pain. Likewise poverty has nothing to fear but this: that it throws us into pain’s arms through the thirst, hunger, cold, heat and sleepless nights it makes us suffer. So let us deal only with pain. I grant them that it is the worst accident of our being, and willingly. For I am the man in the world who most bears it ill will and most avoids it, since, thank God, I have not so far had much dealing with it. But it is in our power, if not to annihilate it, at least to lessen it by patience; and even if the body is shaken by it, to keep the soul and reason nevertheless in good temper.

    Et s’il ne l’estoit, qui auroit mis en credit, la vertu, la vaillance, la force, la magnanimité et la resolution? où iouëroyent elles leur rolle, s’il n’y a plus de douleur à deffier? Auida est periculi virtus. S’il ne faut coucher sur la dure, soustenir armé de toutes pieces la chaleur du midy, se paistre d’vn cheual, et d’vn asne, se voir detailler en pieces, et arracher vne balle d’entre les os, se souffrir recoudre, cauterizer et sonder, par où s’acquerra l’aduantage que nous voulons auoir sur le vulgaire? C’est bien loing de fuir le mal et la douleur, ce que disent les Sages, que des actions égallement bonnes, celle-là est plus souhaitable à faire, où il y a plus de peine.

    And if it were not so, who would have brought into esteem virtue, valor, strength, magnanimity and resolution? Where would they play their part if there were no more pain to defy? Virtue is eager for danger. If we need not sleep on the hard ground, endure the noonday heat in full armor, feed on horse and donkey, see ourselves cut to pieces and a bullet pulled from between our bones, submit to being sewn up, cauterized and probed, how shall we gain the advantage we want to have over the common people? What the sages say is a long way from fleeing evil and pain: that of actions equally good, the more desirable to perform is the one that involves more pain.

    Seneca, On Providence.

    Non enim hilaritate, nec lasciuia, nec risu aut ioco comite leuitatis, sed sæpe etiam tristes firmitate et constantia sunt beati. Et à cette cause il a esté impossible de persuader à nos peres, que les conquestes faites par viue force, au hazard de la guerre, ne fussent plus aduantageuses, que celles qu’on fait en toute seureté par pratiques et menees. Lætius est, quoties magno sibi constat honestum.

    For it is not in gaiety, or wantonness, or laughter, or jest, the companion of frivolity, that men are happy; often, even in sadness, they are happy through firmness and constancy. And for this reason it was impossible to persuade our fathers that conquests made by sheer force, at the hazard of war, were not more advantageous than those made in complete safety by intrigues and schemes. Honor is the more gladdening the more it costs.

    Cicero, On Ends II; the last line is from Lucan, Pharsalia IX.

    D’auantage cela nous doit consoler, que naturellement, si la douleur est violente, elle est courte: si elle est longue, elle est legere: si grauis, breuis: si longus, leuis. Tu ne la sentiras guere long temps, si tu la sens trop: elle mettra fin à soy, ou à toy: l’vn et l’autre reuient à vn. Si tu ne la portes, elle t’emportera. Memineris maximos morte finiri; paruos multa habere interualla requietis, mediocrium nos esse dominos: vt si tolerabiles sint, feramus: sin minus, è vita, quum ea non placeat, tanquàm è theatro exeamus.

    Moreover, this should console us: that by nature, if pain is violent, it is short; if it is long, it is light: if severe, short; if long, light. You will not feel it very long if you feel it too much: it will put an end to itself or to you; the one and the other come to the same. If you do not carry it, it will carry you off. Remember that the greatest pains are ended by death, that small ones have many intervals of rest, and that we are masters of moderate ones; so that if they are bearable we may bear them, and if not, we may leave life, since it does not please us, as we leave a theater.

    Cicero, On Ends I and II.

    Ce qui nous fait souffrir auec tant d’impatience la douleur, c’est de n’estre pas accoustumez de prendre nostre principal contentement en l’ame, de ne nous attendre point assez à elle, qui est seule et souueraine maistresse de nostre condition. Le corps n’a, sauf le plus et le moins, qu’vn train et qu’vn pli. Elle est variable en toute sorte de formes, et renge à soy, et à son estat, quel qu’il soit, les sentiments du corps, et tous autres accidents. Pourtant la faut il estudier, et enquerir; et esueiller en elle ses ressorts tout-puissants. Il n’y a raison, ny prescription, ny force, qui vaille contre son inclination et son chois.

    What makes us endure pain so impatiently is that we are not accustomed to taking our chief contentment in the soul, and do not rely enough on it, though it is the sole and sovereign mistress of our condition. The body has, apart from more or less, only one gait and one bent. The soul can vary into every sort of form, and brings into line with itself and its state, whatever that may be, the sensations of the body and all other accidents. Therefore we must study it and inquire into it, and awaken in it its all-powerful springs. There is no reason, no prescription, no force that can prevail against its inclination and its choice.

    De tant de milliers de biais, qu’elle a en sa disposition, donnons luy en vn, propre à nostre repos et conseruation: nous voyla non couuerts seulement de toute offense, mais gratifiez mesmes et flattez, si bon luy semble, des offenses et des maux. Elle faict son profit indifferemment de tout. L’erreur, les songes, luy seruent vtilement, comme vne loyale matiere, à nous mettre à garant, et en contentement. Il est aisé à voir, que ce qui aiguise en nous la douleur et la volupté, c’est la pointe de nostre esprit. Les bestes, qui le tiennent sous boucle, laissent aux corps leurs sentiments libres et naifs: et par consequent vns, à peu pres, en chasque espece, ainsi qu’elles montrent par la semblable application de leurs mouuements.

    Of the many thousands of turns it has at its disposal, let us give it one suited to our repose and preservation, and there we are, not only sheltered from all injury, but even gratified and flattered, if it so pleases, by injuries and ills. It turns everything to profit without distinction. Error and dreams serve it usefully, as legitimate material for putting us in safety and contentment. It is easy to see that what sharpens pain and pleasure in us is the keen edge of our mind. The beasts, which keep it buckled down, leave their bodies their sensations free and natural, and consequently much the same in each species, as they show by the similar use of their movements.

    Si nous ne troublions en noz membres, la iurisdiction qui leur appartient en cela: il est à croire, que nous en serions mieux, et que nature leur a donné vn iuste et moderé temperament, enuers la volupté et enuers la douleur. Et ne peut faillir d’estre iuste, estant egal et commun. Mais puis que nous nous sommes emancipez de ses regles, pour nous abandonner à la vagabonde liberté de noz fantasies: au moins aydons nous à les plier du costé le plus aggreable. Platon craint nostre engagement aspre à la douleur et à la volupté, d’autant qu’il oblige et attache par trop l’ame au corps: moy plustost au rebours, d’autant qu’il l’en desprent et desclouë.

    If we did not disturb the jurisdiction that belongs to our limbs in this matter, it is likely that we would be better off, and that nature has given them a just and moderate disposition toward pleasure and toward pain. And it cannot fail to be just, being equal and common. But since we have freed ourselves from its rules to abandon ourselves to the vagrant liberty of our fancies, let us at least help ourselves by bending them in the most agreeable direction. Plato fears our being too harshly committed to pain and pleasure, because it binds and attaches the soul too much to the body; I fear it rather for the opposite reason, because it detaches and unnails the soul from it.

    Plato, Phaedo 83d, where every pleasure and pain nails the soul to the body.

    Tout ainsi que l’ennemy se rend plus aspre à nostre fuite, aussi s’enorgueillit la douleur, à nous voir trembler soubs elle. Elle se rendra de bien meilleure composition, à qui luy fera teste: il se faut opposer et bander contre. En nous acculant et tirant arriere, nous appellons à nous et attirons la ruyne, qui nous menasse. Comme le corps est plus ferme à la charge en le roidissant: ainsin est l’ame.

    Just as the enemy grows fiercer at our flight, so pain grows proud at seeing us tremble under it. It will come to much better terms with anyone who stands up to it: we must set ourselves against it and brace ourselves. By backing away and retreating, we call down on ourselves and draw on the ruin that threatens us. As the body is steadier under a charge when it is stiffened, so is the soul.

    Mais venons aux exemples, qui sont proprement du gibier des gens foibles de reins, comme moy: où nous trouuerons qu’il va de la douleur, comme des pierres qui prennent couleur, ou plus haute, ou plus morne, selon la feuille où lon les couche, et qu’elle ne tient qu’autant de place en nous, que nous luy en faisons. Tantum doluerunt, quantum doloribus se inseruerunt. Nous sentons plus vn coup de rasoir du Chirurgien, que dix coups d’espee en la chaleur du combat. Les douleurs de l’enfantement, par les Medecins, et par Dieu mesme estimees grandes, et que nous passons auec tant de ceremonies, il y a des nations entieres, qui n’en font nul compte.

    But let us come to examples, which are properly the game of weak-backed people like me. There we shall find that pain is like gems, which take on a brighter or duller color according to the foil they are set on, and that it takes up only as much room in us as we make for it. They suffered as much as they gave themselves up to suffering. We feel a stroke of the surgeon’s razor more than ten sword blows in the heat of battle. The pains of childbirth, judged great by doctors and by God himself, and which we go through with so many ceremonies—there are whole nations that make nothing of them.

    Saint Augustine, City of God I.10.

    Ie laisse à part les femmes Lacedemoniennes: mais aux Souisses parmi nos gens de pied, quel changement y trouuez vous? sinon que trottans apres leurs maris, vous leur voyez auiourd’huy porter au col l’enfant, qu’elles auoient hyer au ventre: et ces Ægyptiennes contre-faictes ramassées d’entre nous, vont elles mesmes lauer les leurs, qui viennent de naistre, et prennent leur baing en la plus prochaine riuiere. Outre tant de garces qui desrobent tous les iours leurs enfants en la generation comme en la conception, cette belle et noble femme de Sabinus Patricien Romain, pour l’interest d’autruy porta seule et sans secours et sans voix et gemissemens l’enfantement de deux iumeaux.

    I leave aside the Spartan women; but among the Swiss in our infantry, what change do you find? Only that, trotting after their husbands, you see them today carrying on their necks the child they had in their bellies yesterday. And those counterfeit Egyptians, gathered up from among our own people, go themselves to wash their newborn babies and take their bath in the nearest river. Besides so many girls who every day conceal their children’s birth as they concealed their conception, that fine and noble wife of Sabinus, a Roman patrician, for the sake of others bore alone, without help, without a sound or a groan, the birth of twins.

    The wandering “Egyptians” were the Romani, then thought to come from Egypt. The wife of Julius Sabinus, Eponina, hid with her husband after his revolt against Vespasian (Plutarch).

    Vn simple garçonnet de Lacedemone, ayant derobé vn renard (car ils craignoient encore plus la honte de leur sottise au larecin, que nous ne craignons la peine de nostre malice) et l’ayant mis souz sa cappe, endura plustost qu’il luy eust rongé le ventre, que de se descouurir. Et vn autre, donnant de l’encens à vn sacrifice, se laissa brusler iusques à l’os, par vn charbon tombé dans sa manche, pour ne troubler le mystere. Et s’en est veu vn grand nombre pour le seul essay de vertu, suiuant leur institution, qui ont souffert en l’aage de sept ans, d’estre foüettez iusques à la mort, sans alterer leur visage.

    A mere Spartan boy, having stolen a fox (for they feared the shame of being clumsy at theft even more than we fear the penalty for our wickedness) and having hidden it under his cloak, endured having his belly gnawed by it rather than give himself away. And another, offering incense at a sacrifice, let himself be burned to the bone by a coal that had fallen into his sleeve, so as not to disturb the rite. And a great number have been seen who, purely as a test of virtue, according to their upbringing, endured at the age of seven being whipped to death without changing their expression.

    Et Cicero les a veuz se battre à trouppes: de poings, de pieds, et de dents, iusques à s’euanouir auant que d’aduoüer estre vaincus. Nunquam naturam mos vinceret: est enim ea semper inuicta; sed nos vmbris, deliciis, otio, languore, desidia, animum infecimus; opinionibus malóque more delinitum molliuimus.

    And Cicero saw them fight in bands, with fists, feet and teeth, until they fainted rather than admit they were beaten. Custom would never conquer nature, for she is always unconquered; but we have infected our minds with shade, delights, idleness, languor and sloth; we have softened them with false opinions and bad habits.

    Cicero, Tusculan Disputations V.

    Chacun sçait l’histoire de Sceuola, qui s’estant coulé dans le camp ennemy, pour en tuer le chef, et ayant failly d’attaincte, pour reprendre son effect d’vne plus estrange inuention, et descharger sa patrie, confessa à Porsenna, qui estoit le Roy qu’il vouloit tuer, non seulement son desseing, mais adiousta qu’il auoit en son camp vn grand nombre de Romains complices de son entreprise tels que luy. Et pour montrer quel il estoit, s’estant faict apporter vn brasier, veit et souffrit griller et rostir son bras, iusques à ce que l’ennemy mesme en ayant horreur, commanda oster le brasier. Quoy, celuy qui ne daigna interrompre la lecture de son liure pendant qu’on l’incisoit?

    Everyone knows the story of Scaevola, who slipped into the enemy camp to kill its leader and missed his stroke. To retrieve his purpose by a stranger device and to deliver his country, he confessed to Porsenna, the king he had meant to kill, not only his plan, but added that there were in his camp a great many Romans like himself, accomplices in his enterprise. And to show what kind of man he was, he had a brazier brought, and watched and endured his arm being grilled and roasted, until the enemy himself, horrified, ordered the brazier taken away. And what of the man who did not deign to interrupt the reading of his book while he was being cut open?

    Gaius Mucius Scaevola, legendary Roman hero who tried to kill Lars Porsenna, king of Clusium, during his siege of Rome around 508 BC.

    Et celuy, qui s’obstina à se mocquer et à rire à l’enuy des maux, qu’on luy faisoit: de façon que la cruauté irritée des bourreaux qui le tenoyent, et toutes les inuentions des tourmens redoublez les vns sur les autres luy donnerent gaigné? Mais c’estoit vn Philosophe. Quoy? vn gladiateur de Cæsar, endura tousiours riant qu’on luy sondast et detaillast ses playes. Quis mediocris gladiator ingemuit? quis vultum mutauit vnquam? Quis non modò stetit, verùm etiam decubuit turpiter? Quis cùm decubuisset, ferrum recipere iussus, collum contraxit?

    And the one who persisted in mocking and laughing in defiance of the ills they were doing him, so that the provoked cruelty of the torturers who held him, and all their inventions of torments heaped one upon another, conceded him the victory? But he was a philosopher. What then? One of Caesar’s gladiators endured, laughing all the while, having his wounds probed and cut open. What ordinary gladiator has ever groaned? Which has ever changed countenance? Which has disgraced himself not only standing but even in falling? Which, when he had fallen and was ordered to receive the blade, drew back his neck?

    Cicero, Tusculan Disputations II.

    Meslons y les femmes. Qui n’a ouy parler à Paris de celle, qui se fit escorcher pour seulement en acquerir le teint plus frais d’vne nouuelle peau? y en a qui se sont fait arracher des dents viues et saines, pour en former la voix plus molle, et plus grasse, ou pour les ranger en meilleur ordre. Combien d’exemples du mespris de la douleur auons nous en ce genre? Que ne peuuent elles? Que craignent elles, pour peu qu’il y ait d’agencement à esperer en leur beauté?

    Let us bring the women in too. Who in Paris has not heard of the woman who had herself flayed solely to gain the fresher complexion of a new skin? There are some who have had sound, living teeth pulled out to make their voices softer and fuller, or to set the rest in better order. How many examples of contempt for pain do we have of this kind? What can they not do? What do they fear, if there is the least improvement to be hoped for in their beauty?

    Vellere queis cura est albos à stirpe capillos, / Et faciem dempta pelle referre nouam. J’en ay veu engloutir du sable, de la cendre, et se trauailler à point nommé de ruiner leur estomac, pour acquerir les pasles couleurs. Pour faire vn corps bien espagnolé, quelle gehenne ne souffrent elles guindées et sanglées, auec de grosses coches sur les costez, iusques à la chair viue? ouy quelques fois à en mourir.

    Women who take pains to pluck out their white hairs by the root, / and to peel off their skin and bring back a fresh face. I have seen some of them swallow sand and ashes, and deliberately set about ruining their stomachs to acquire a pale complexion. To get a body slim in the Spanish fashion, what torture do they not endure, braced and strapped, with great notches cut into their sides down to the living flesh? Yes, sometimes even to the point of dying of it.

    Tibullus, Elegies (a poem from the collection attributed to him).

    Il est ordinaire à beaucoup de nations de nostre temps, de se blesser à escient, pour donner foy à leur parole: et nostre Roy en recite des notables exemples, de ce qu’il en a veu en Poloigne, et en l’endroit de luy mesme. Mais outre ce que ie sçay en auoir esté imité en France par aucuns, quand ie veins de ces fameux Estats de Blois, i’auois veu peu auparauant vne fille en Picardie, pour tesmoigner l’ardeur de ses promesses, et aussi sa constance, se donner du poinçon, qu’elle portoit en son poil, quatre ou cinq bons coups dans le bras, qui luy faisoient craquetter la peau, et la saignoient bien en bon escient.

    It is common among many nations of our time to wound themselves deliberately to make their word believed. Our King tells of some remarkable examples of this that he saw in Poland, some of them even done in his honor. But besides the fact that I know some people in France have imitated it, when I came from those famous Estates of Blois I had seen, shortly before, a girl in Picardy who, to show the ardor of her promises and her constancy as well, gave herself four or five good stabs in the arm with the bodkin she wore in her hair. They made her skin crackle and bled her in good earnest.

    Henry III had been king of Poland in 1573–1574; Montaigne attended the Estates-General at Blois in 1588.

    Les Turcs se font de grandes escarres pour leurs dames: et afin que la merque y demeure, ils portent soudain du feu sur la playe, et l’y tiennent vn temps incroyable, pour arrester le sang, et former la cicatrice. Gents qui l’ont veu, l’ont escrit, et me l’ont iuré. Mais pour dix aspres, il se trouue tous les iours entre eux qui se donnera vne bien profonde taillade dans le bras, ou dans les cuisses. Ie suis bien ayse que les tesmoins nous sont plus à main, où nous en auons plus affaire. Car la chrestienté nous en fournit à suffisance. Et apres l’exemple de nostre sainct guide, il y en a eu force, qui par deuotion ont voulu porter la croix.

    The Turks make great gashes in themselves for their ladies; and so that the mark will stay, they immediately put fire to the wound and hold it there an incredibly long time, to stop the blood and form the scar. People who have seen it have written it down and sworn it to me. But for ten aspers you will find among them, any day, someone who will give himself a very deep slash in the arm or the thighs. I am very glad that the witnesses are closer at hand where we have most need of them, for Christendom supplies us with plenty. And after the example of our holy guide, there have been many who out of devotion chose to bear the cross.

    The asper was a small Turkish silver coin.

    Nous apprenons par tesmoing tres-digne de foy, que le Roy S. Loys porta la here iusques à ce que sur sa vieillesse, son confesseur l’en dispensa; et que tous les Vendredis, il se faisoit battre les espaules par son prestre, de cinq chainettes de fer, que pour cet effet on portoit emmy ses besongnes de nuict.

    We learn from a most trustworthy witness that King Saint Louis wore a hair shirt until, in his old age, his confessor released him from it; and that every Friday he had his shoulders beaten by his priest with five small iron chains, which were carried for that purpose among his nightclothes.

    Louis IX of France (1214–1270); the witness is his biographer Jean de Joinville.

    Guillaume nostre dernier Duc de Guyenne, pere de cette Alienor, qui transmit ce Duché aux maisons de France et d’Angleterre, porta les dix ou douze derniers ans de sa vie, continuellement vn corps de cuirasse, sous vn habit de religieux, par penitence. Foulques Comte d’Anjou alla iusques en Ierusalem, pour là se faire foëter à deux de ses valets, la corde au col, deuant le sepulchre de nostre Seigneur. Mais ne voit-on encore tous les iours au Vendredy S. en diuers lieux vn grand nombre d’hommes et femmes se battre iusques à se déchirer la chair et percer iusques aux os? Cela ay-ie veu souuent et sans enchantement.

    William, our last Duke of Guyenne, father of that Eleanor who passed the duchy on to the houses of France and England, wore a breastplate continually for the last ten or twelve years of his life, under a monk’s habit, as a penance. Fulk, Count of Anjou, went all the way to Jerusalem to have himself whipped there by two of his servants, with a rope around his neck, before the tomb of our Lord. But do we not still see nowadays, on Good Friday, in various places, a great number of men and women beating themselves until they tear their flesh and lay it open to the bone? That I have often seen, and it was no illusion.

    William X, Duke of Aquitaine (d. 1137), father of Eleanor of Aquitaine; Fulk III Nerra, Count of Anjou (d. 1040).

    Et disoit-on, car ils vont masquez, qu’il y en auoit, qui pour de l’argent entreprenoient en cela de garantir la religion d’autruy; par vn mespris de la douleur, d’autant plus grand, que plus peuuent les éguillons de la deuotion, que de l’auarice.

    And it was said—for they go masked—that there were some who for money undertook in this way to make good other people’s religion, with a contempt for pain all the greater in that the spurs of devotion are more powerful than those of avarice.

    Q. Maximus enterra son fils Consulaire: M. Cato le sien Preteur designé: et L. Paulus les siens deux en peu de iours, d’vn visage rassis, et ne portant nul tesmoignage de deuil. Ie disois en mes iours, de quelqu’vn en gossant, qu’il auoit choué la diuine iustice. Car la mort violente de trois grands enfants, luy ayant esté enuoyée en vn iour, pour vn aspre coup de verge, comme il est à croire: peu s’en fallut qu’il ne la print à faueur et gratification singuliere du ciel. Ie n’ensuis pas ces humeurs monstrueuses: mais i’en ay perdu en nourrice, deux ou trois, sinon sans regret, au moins sans fascherie. Si n’est-il guere accident, qui touche plus au vif les hommes.

    Quintus Maximus buried his son, a former consul; Marcus Cato his, who was praetor-elect; and Lucius Paulus his two within a few days—all with a composed face and showing no sign of mourning. In my day I said jokingly of someone that he had cheated divine justice. For when the violent death of three grown sons had been sent to him in a single day, as a harsh stroke of the rod, as we must suppose, he very nearly took it as a singular favor and kindness from heaven. I do not follow these monstrous temperaments; but I have lost two or three children at nurse, if not without regret, at least without great distress. And yet there is hardly any misfortune that touches men more to the quick.

    Quintus Fabius Maximus, Cato the Elder and Lucius Aemilius Paulus, examples taken from Cicero.

    Ie voy assez d’autres communes occasions d’affliction, qu’à peine sentiroy-ie, si elles me venoyent. Et en ay mesprisé quand elles me sont venues, de celles ausquelles le monde donne vne si atroce figure, que ie n’oserois m’en vanter au peuple sans rougir. Ex quo intelligitur, non in natura, sed in opinione esse ægritudinem.

    I see plenty of other common occasions of affliction that I would hardly feel if they came to me. And some of those to which the world gives so atrocious a face I have scorned when they did come to me—so much so that I would not dare boast of it in public without blushing. From which it is understood that distress lies not in nature but in opinion.

    Cicero, Tusculan Disputations.

    L’opinion est vne puissante partie, hardie, et sans mesure. Qui rechercha iamais de telle faim la seurté et le repos, qu’Alexandre et Cæsar ont faict l’inquietude et les difficultez? Terez le pere de Sitalcez souloit dire que quand il ne faisoit point la guerre, il luy estoit aduis qu’il n’y auoit point difference entre luy et son pallefrenier. Caton Consul, pour s’asseurer d’aucunes villes en Espaigne, ayant seulement interdict aux habitants d’icelles, de porter les armes: grand nombre se tuerent: Ferox gens, nullam vitam rati sine armis esse.

    Opinion is a powerful party, bold and without measure. Who ever sought security and rest as hungrily as Alexander and Caesar sought restlessness and difficulties? Teres, the father of Sitalces, used to say that when he was not making war, he felt there was no difference between himself and his groom. When Cato, as consul, to make sure of certain towns in Spain, had merely forbidden their inhabitants to bear arms, a great number of them killed themselves: A fierce people, who thought there was no life without arms.

    Teres was a king of the Thracian Odrysians in the 5th century BC; the quotation is from Livy.

    Combien en sçauons nous qui ont fuy la douceur d’vne vie tranquille, en leurs maisons parmy leurs cognoissans, pour suiure l’horreur des desers inhabitables; et qui se sont iettez à l’abiection, vilité, et mespris du monde, et s’y sont pleuz iusques à l’affectation?

    How many do we know who have fled the sweetness of a quiet life in their homes, among people they know, to pursue the horror of uninhabitable deserts; who have thrown themselves into abasement, lowliness and the contempt of the world, and have delighted in it to the point of affectation?

    Le Cardinal Borrome, qui mourut dernierement à Milan, au milieu de la desbauche, à quoy le conuioyt et sa noblesse, et ses grandes richesses, et l’air de l’Italie, et sa ieunesse, se maintint en vne forme de vie si austere, que la mesme robbe qui luy seruoit en esté, luy seruoit en hyuer: n’auoit pour son coucher que la paille: et les heures qui luy restoyent des occupations de sa charge, il les passoit estudiant continuellement, planté sur ses genoux, ayant vn peu d’eau et de pain à costé de son liure: qui estoit toute la prouision de ses repas, et tout le temps qu’il y employoit.

    Cardinal Borromeo, who died recently in Milan, in the midst of the debauchery to which his noble birth, his great wealth, the air of Italy and his youth all invited him, kept to a way of life so austere that the same robe that served him in summer served him in winter. He had only straw for his bed; and the hours left over from the duties of his office he spent in continual study, planted on his knees, with a little water and bread beside his book—which was the whole provision for his meals and all the time he spent on them.

    Charles Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan, died in 1584.

    I’en sçay qui à leur escient ont tiré et proffit et auancement du cocuage, dequoy le seul nom effraye tant de gens.

    I know some who have knowingly drawn both profit and advancement from cuckoldry, whose very name frightens so many people.

    Si la veuë n’est le plus necessaire de nos sens, il est au moins le plus plaisant: mais les plus plaisans et vtiles de noz membres, semblent estre ceux qui seruent à nous engendrer: toutesfois assez de gens les ont pris en hayne mortelle, pour cella seulement, qu’ils estoient trop aymables; et les ont reiettez à cause de leur prix. Autant en opina des yeux, celuy qui se les creua.

    If sight is not the most necessary of our senses, it is at least the most pleasant; and the most pleasant and useful of our members seem to be those that serve to beget us. Yet a good many people have conceived a mortal hatred for them for the sole reason that they were too lovable, and have rejected them because of their value. The man who put out his own eyes held the same opinion of eyes.

    An allusion to the philosopher Democritus, who was said to have blinded himself.

    La plus commune et plus saine part des hommes, tient à grand heur l’abondance des enfants: moy et quelques autres, à pareil heur le defaut. Et quand on demande à Thales pourquoy il ne se marie point: il respond, qu’il n’ayme point à laisser lignée de soy.

    The commonest and soundest part of mankind holds an abundance of children to be a great happiness; I and a few others hold the lack of them to be an equal happiness. And when Thales is asked why he does not marry, he answers that he does not like to leave any offspring of himself.

    Que nostre opinion donne prix aux choses; il se void par celles en grand nombre, ausquelles nous ne regardons pas seulement, pour les estimer: ains à nous. Et ne considerons ny leurs qualitez, ny leurs vtilitez, mais seulement nostre coust à les recouurer: comme si c’estoit quelque piece de leur substance: et appellons valeur en elles, non ce qu’elles apportent, mais ce que nous y apportons. Sur quoy ie m’aduise, que nous sommes grands mesnagers de nostre mise. Selon qu’elle poise, elle sert, de ce mesmes qu’elle poise. Nostre opinion ne la laisse iamais courir à faux fret. L’achat donne tiltre au diamant, et la difficulté à la vertu, et la douleur à la deuotion, et l’aspreté à la medecine.

    That our opinion gives things their value is seen from the great many things which, in appraising them, we do not even look at, but look at ourselves instead. We consider neither their qualities nor their usefulness, but only what it cost us to get them, as if that were some part of their substance; and we call value in them not what they bring but what we bring to them. On which I note that we are great managers of our outlay. It serves according to what it weighs, by the very fact that it weighs. Our opinion never lets it run on a voyage for nothing. The purchase gives the diamond its title, difficulty gives it to virtue, pain to devotion, and bitterness to medicine.

    Tel pour arriuer à la pauureté ietta ses escus en cette mesme mer, que tant d’autres fouillent de toutes pars pour y pescher des richesses. Epicurus dit que l’estre riche n’est pas soulagement, mais changement d’affaires. De vray, ce n’est pas la disette, c’est plustost l’abondance qui produict l’auarice. Ie veux dire mon experience autour de ce subiect.

    One man, to attain poverty, threw his crowns into the very sea that so many others ransack on every side to fish up riches. Epicurus says that being rich is not a relief but a change of business. Indeed, it is not want but rather abundance that produces avarice. I want to tell my own experience on this subject.

    Crates the Cynic, according to Diogenes Laertius.

    Three ways of living with money

    Montaigne lived first on credit, then by hoarding, and now spends as his income comes in.

    I’ay vescu en trois sortes de condition, depuis estre sorty de l’enfance. Le premier temps, qui a duré pres de vingt années, ie le passay, n’aiant autres moyens, que fortuites, et despendant de l’ordonnance et secours d’autruy, sans estat certain et sans prescription. Ma despence se faisoit d’autant plus allegrement et auec moins de soing, qu’elle estoit toute en la temerité de la fortune. Ie ne fu iamais mieux.

    I have lived in three kinds of condition since leaving childhood. The first period, which lasted nearly twenty years, I spent with no means but chance ones, depending on other people’s arrangements and help, without fixed status or settled allowance. My spending was all the more cheerful and carefree because it rested entirely on the rashness of Fortune. I was never better off.

    Il ne m’est oncques auenu de trouuer la bource de mes amis close: m’estant enioint au delà de toute autre necessité, la necessité de ne faillir au terme que i’auoy prins à m’acquiter, lequel ils m’ont mille fois alongé, voyant l’effort que ie me faisoy pour leur satisfaire: en maniere que i’en rendoy vne loyauté mesnagere, et aucunement piperesse. Ie sens naturellement quelque volupté à payer; comme si ie deschargeois mes espaules d’vn ennuyeux poix, et de cette image de seruitude. Aussi qu’il y a quelque contentement qui me chatouille à faire vne action iuste, et contenter autruy.

    It never happened to me to find my friends’ purses closed, since I had laid on myself, above every other necessity, the necessity of not missing the date I had set for repaying. They extended it for me a thousand times, seeing the effort I made to satisfy them; so that I paid them back with a thrifty and somewhat crafty loyalty. I naturally feel a certain pleasure in paying, as if I were unloading an irksome weight from my shoulders, and that image of servitude. Also there is a certain satisfaction that tickles me in doing a just action and satisfying someone else.

    I’excepte les payements où il faut venir à marchander et conter: car si ie ne trouue à qui en commettre la charge, ie les esloigne honteusement et iniurieusement tant que ie puis, de peur de cette altercation, à laquelle et mon humeur et ma forme de parler est du tout incompatible. Il n’est rien que ie haysse comme à marchander: c’est vn pur commerce de trichoterie et d’impudence. Apres vne heure de debat et de barguignage, l’vn et l’autre abandonne sa parolle et ses sermens pour cinq sous d’amendement. Et si empruntons auec desaduantage. Car n’ayant point le cœur de requerir en presence, i’en renuoyois le hazard sur le papier, qui ne fait guere d’effort, et qui preste grandement la main au refuser.

    I except payments where one has to get down to bargaining and counting: for if I find no one to whom I can hand over the task, I put them off as long as I can, shamefully and unfairly, for fear of that wrangling, with which both my temperament and my way of speaking are utterly incompatible. There is nothing I hate so much as haggling: it is sheer dealing in cheating and impudence. After an hour of debate and chaffering, both parties abandon their word and their oaths for five sous’ improvement. And I borrowed at a disadvantage too. For having no heart to ask face to face, I left the chance of it to paper, which makes hardly any effort and lends a great hand to refusing.

    Ie me remettois de la conduite de mon besoing plus gayement aux astres, et plus librement que ie n’ay faict depuis à ma prouidence et à mon sens. La plus part des mesnagers estiment horrible de viure ainsin en incertitude; et ne s’aduisent pas, premierement, que la plus part du monde vit ainsi. Combien d’honnestes hommes ont reietté tout leur certain à l’abandon, et le font tous les iours, pour cercher le vent de la faueur des Roys et de la fortune? Cæsar s’endebta d’vn million d’or outre son vaillant, pour deuenir Cæsar. Et combien de marchans commencent leur trafique par la vente de leur metairie, qu’ils enuoyent aux Indes.

    I left the management of my needs to the stars, more cheerfully and freely than I have since left it to my own foresight and sense. Most good managers think it horrible to live in such uncertainty; and they do not consider, first, that most of the world lives that way. How many decent men have thrown all their sure possessions to the winds, and do so every day, to chase the breeze of the favor of kings and of Fortune? Caesar went a million in gold into debt beyond what he was worth, to become Caesar. And how many merchants begin their trade by selling their farm, which they send off to the Indies!

    Tot per impotentia freta! En vne si grande siccité de deuotion, nous auons mille et mille Colleges, qui la passent commodément, attendans tous les iours de la liberalité du Ciel, ce qu’il faut à eux disner.

    Across so many raging seas! In so great a drought of devotion, we have thousands upon thousands of religious communities that get along comfortably, expecting every day from the liberality of heaven what they need for their dinner.

    Catullus.

    Secondement, ils ne s’aduisent pas, que cette certitude, sur laquelle ils se fondent, n’est guere moins incertaine et hazardeuse que le hazard mesme. Ie voy d’aussi pres la misere au delà de deux mille escus de rente, que si elle estoit tout contre moy.

    Secondly, they do not consider that this certainty on which they rely is hardly less uncertain and hazardous than hazard itself. I see poverty as close to me beyond an income of two thousand crowns as if it were right next to me.

    Car outre ce que le sort a dequoy ouurir cent breches à la pauureté au trauers de nos richesses, n’y ayant souuent nul moyen entre la supreme et infime fortune, Fortuna vitrea est: tum, quum splendet, frangitur; et enuoyer cul sur pointe toutes nos deffences et leuées; ie trouue que par diuerses causes, l’indigence se voit autant ordinairement logée chez ceux qui ont des biens, que chez ceux qui n’en ont point: et qu’à l’auanture est elle aucunement moins incommode, quand elle est seule, que quand elle se rencontre en compagnie des richesses. Elles viennent plus de l’ordre, que de la recepte: Faber est suæ quisque fortunæ. Et me semble plus miserable vn riche malaisé, necessiteux, affaireux, que celuy qui est simplement pauure.

    For besides the fact that fate has the means to open a hundred breaches for poverty through our riches—there often being no middle ground between the highest and the lowest fortune: Fortune is glass: just when it shines, it breaks—and to send all our defenses and ramparts tumbling head over heels, I find that for various reasons want is seen lodged as commonly with those who have property as with those who have none; and that it is perhaps somewhat less troublesome when it is alone than when it meets with riches for company. Riches come more from good order than from income: Every man is the maker of his own fortune. And a rich man who is hard up, needy and harried by business seems to me more wretched than one who is simply poor.

    Publilius Syrus; the second quotation is attributed to Sallust.

    In diuitiis inopes, quod genus egestatis grauissimum est. Les plus grands Princes et plus riches, sont par pauureté et disette poussez ordinairement à l’extreme necessité. Car en est-il de plus extreme, que d’en deuenir tyrans, et iniustes vsurpateurs des biens de leurs subiets?

    Needy in the midst of riches, which is the most grievous kind of poverty. The greatest and richest princes are usually driven by poverty and want to extreme necessity. For is there any more extreme than to become tyrants because of it, and unjust usurpers of their subjects’ property?

    Seneca, Letters.

    Ma seconde forme, ç’a esté d’auoir de l’argent. A quoy m’estant prins, i’en fis bien tost des reserues notables selon ma condition: n’estimant pas que ce fust auoir, sinon autant qu’on possede outre sa despence ordinaire: ny qu’on se puisse fier du bien, qui est encore en esperance de recepte, pour claire qu’elle soit. Car quoy, disoy-ie, si i’estois surpris d’vn tel, ou d’vn tel accident? Et à la suitte de ces vaines et vitieuses imaginations, i’allois faisant l’ingenieux à prouuoir par cette superflue reserue à tous inconueniens. Et sçauois encore respondre à celuy qui m’alleguoit que le nombre des inconueniens estoit trop infiny; que si ce n’estoit à tous, c’estoit à aucuns et plusieurs. Cela ne se passoit pas sans penible sollicitude.

    My second form was having money. Having taken to it, I soon laid up reserves that were considerable for my station, not thinking that one has anything except what one possesses beyond one’s ordinary expenses, nor that one can rely on wealth that is still only hoped-for income, however certain it may look. For what, I said, if I were caught by this accident or that? And in pursuit of these vain and vicious imaginings, I went about playing the clever man, providing against every mishap with this superfluous reserve. And I even knew how to answer anyone who argued that the number of mishaps was too infinite: if it was not against all, it was against some, and many. This did not go on without painful anxiety.

    I’en faisoy vn secret: et moy, qui ose tant dire de moy, ne parloy de mon argent, qu’en mensonge: comme font les autres, qui s’appauurissent riches, s’enrichissent pauures: et dispensent leur conscience de tesmoigner iamais sincerement de ce qu’ils ont. Ridicule et honteuse prudence. Allois-ie en voyage? il ne me sembloit estre iamais suffisamment pourueu: et plus ie m’estois chargé de monnoye, plus aussi ie m’estois chargé de crainte: tantost de la seurté des chemins, tantost de la fidelité de ceux qui conduisoyent mon bagage: duquel, comme d’autres que ie cognois, ie ne m’asseurois iamais assez, si ie ne l’auois deuant mes yeux. Laissoy-ie ma boyte chez moy? combien de soupçons et pensements espineux, et qui pis est incommunicables? I’auois tousiours l’esprit de ce costé.

    I made a secret of it; and I, who dare say so much about myself, never spoke of my money except with lies, like others who make themselves out poor when they are rich and rich when they are poor, and excuse their conscience from ever testifying honestly about what they have. A ridiculous and shameful prudence. Was I going on a journey? I never seemed to myself sufficiently provided; and the more I had loaded myself with money, the more I had loaded myself with fear: now about the safety of the roads, now about the trustworthiness of those in charge of my baggage, which, like some others I know, I never felt sure enough of unless I had it before my eyes. Did I leave my strongbox at home? How many suspicions and thorny thoughts—and, what is worse, ones I could tell no one! My mind was always turned that way.

    Tout compté, il y a plus de peine à garder l’argent qu’à l’acquerir. Si ie n’en faisois du tout tant que i’en dis, au moins il me coustoit à m’empescher de le faire. De commodité, i’en tirois peu ou rien. Pour auoir plus de moyen de despense, elle ne m’en poisoit pas moins. Car, comme disoit Bion, autant se fache le cheuelu comme le chauue, qu’on luy arrache le poil. Et depuis que vous estes accoustumé, et auez planté vostre fantasie sur certain monceau, il n’est plus à vostre seruice: vous n’oseriez l’escorner. C’est vn bastiment qui, comme il vous semble, croullera tout, si vous y touchez: il faut que la necessité vous prenne à la gorge pour l’entamer.

    All things considered, there is more trouble in keeping money than in getting it. If I did not do quite all I say, at least it cost me something to keep myself from doing it. Of comfort I drew little or none from it. Having more means of spending, I found spending weighed on me no less. For, as Bion said, the hairy man is as angry as the bald one at having his hair pulled out. And once you have grown used to it and have set your fancy on a certain heap, it is no longer at your service: you would not dare make a dent in it. It is a building that, as it seems to you, will all come crashing down if you touch it; necessity has to take you by the throat before you will cut into it.

    Et au parauant i’engageois mes hardes, et vendois vn cheual, auec bien moins de contrainte et moins enuis, que lors ie ne faisois bresche à cette bource fauorie, que ie tenois à part. Mais le danger estoit, que mal aysément peut-on establir bornes certaines à ce desir (elles sont difficiles à trouuer, és choses qu’on croit bonnes) et arrester vn poinct à l’espargne: on va tousiours grossissant cet amas, et l’augmentant d’vn nombre à autre, iusques à se priuer vilainement de la iouyssance de ses propres biens: et l’establir toute en la garde, et n’en vser point. Selon cette espece d’vsage, ce sont les plus riches gents du monde, ceux qui ont charge de la garde des portes et murs d’vne bonne ville.

    And before then I would pawn my clothes and sell a horse with much less constraint and reluctance than I then felt in making a breach in that favorite purse I kept apart. But the danger was that one can hardly set fixed limits to this desire (they are hard to find in things we believe good) and fix a stopping point to saving. One goes on fattening this hoard and swelling it from one sum to another, until one meanly deprives oneself of the enjoyment of one’s own goods, makes it consist entirely in guarding them, and never uses them at all. By this sort of use, the richest people in the world are the ones charged with guarding the gates and walls of a good town.

    Tout homme pecunieux est auaricieux à mon gré. Platon renge ainsi les biens corporels ou humains: la santé, la beauté, la force, la richesse: Et la richesse, dit-il, n’est pas aueugle, mais tresclair-voyante, quand elle est illuminée par la prudence. Dionysius le fils, eut bonne grace. On l’aduertit que l’vn de ses Syracusains auoit caché dans terre vn thresor; il luy manda de le luy apporter; ce qu’il fit, s’en reseruant à la desrobbée quelque partie; auec laquelle il s’en alla en vne autre ville, où ayant perdu cet appetit de thesaurizer, il se mit à viure plus liberalement. Ce qu’entendant Dionysius, luy fit rendre le demeurant de son thresor; disant que puis qu’il auoit appris à en sçauoir vser, il le luy rendoit volontiers.

    Every moneyed man is avaricious, to my mind. Plato ranks bodily or human goods thus: health, beauty, strength, wealth. And wealth, he says, is not blind but very clear-sighted when it is lit by prudence. Dionysius the Younger behaved handsomely. He was told that one of his Syracusans had hidden a treasure in the ground; he sent word to him to bring it to him. The man did so, secretly keeping back part of it, and with that he went off to another city, where, having lost this appetite for hoarding, he began to live more liberally. Hearing of this, Dionysius had the rest of his treasure given back to him, saying that since he had learned how to use it, he gladly returned it to him.

    Plato, Laws; Dionysius the Younger was tyrant of Syracuse in the 4th century BC.

    Ie fus quelques années en ce point. Ie ne sçay quel bon dæmon m’en ietta hors tres-vtilement, comme le Syracusain; et m’enuoya toute cette conserue à l’abandon: le plaisir de certain voyage de grande despence, ayant mis au pied cette sotte imagination. Par où ie suis retombé à vne tierce sorte de vie, ie dis ce que i’en sens, certes plus plaisante beaucoup et plus reglée. C’est que ie fais courir ma despence quand et quand ma recepte; tantost l’vne deuance, tantost l’autre: mais c’est de peu qu’elles s’abandonnent. Ie vis du iour à la iournée, et me contente d’auoir dequoy suffire aux besoings presens et ordinaires: aux extraordinaires toutes les prouisions du monde n’y sçauroyent suffire.

    I was in this state for some years. Some good daemon or other threw me out of it, very usefully, like the Syracusan, and scattered all that hoard to the winds: the pleasure of a certain very expensive journey trampled that foolish notion underfoot. By which I have fallen back into a third kind of life—I say what I feel about it—certainly much more pleasant and better ordered. It is that I make my spending keep pace with my income; sometimes one gets ahead, sometimes the other, but they never drift far apart. I live from day to day, and am content to have enough for present and ordinary needs; for extraordinary ones, all the provisions in the world could not suffice.

    Probably his journey to Italy, Switzerland and Germany in 1580–1581.

    Et est follie de s’attendre que fortune elle mesmes nous arme iamais suffisamment contre soy. C’est de noz armes qu’il la faut combattre. Les fortuites nous trahiront au bon du faict. Si i’amasse, ce n’est que pour l’esperance de quelque voisine emploite; et non pour acheter des terres, dequoy ie n’ay que faire, mais pour acheter du plaisir. Non esse cupidum, pecunia est; non esse emacem, vectigal est. Ie n’ay ny guere peur que bien me faille, ny nul desir qu’il m’augmente.

    And it is folly to expect that Fortune herself will ever arm us sufficiently against herself. It is with our own arms that we must fight her. Chance ones will betray us at the crucial moment. If I save, it is only in hope of spending it on something soon; and not to buy land, which I have no use for, but to buy pleasure. Not to be covetous is money; not to be fond of buying is an income. I have hardly any fear that my means will fail me, and no desire for them to grow.

    Cicero, Paradoxes of the Stoics.

    Diuitiarum fructus est in copia; copiam declarat satietas. Et me gratifie singulierement que cette correction me soit arriuée en vn aage naturellement enclin à l’auarice, et que ie me vois desfaict de cette folie si commune aux vieux, et la plus ridicule de toutes les humaines folies.

    The fruit of riches lies in plenty; and plenty is shown by having enough. And I am singularly pleased that this correction came to me at an age naturally inclined to avarice, and that I find myself rid of this folly so common among the old, and the most ridiculous of all human follies.

    Feraulez, qui auoit passé par les deux fortunes, et trouué que l’accroist de cheuance, n’estoit pas accroist d’appetit, au boire, manger, dormir, et embrasser sa femme: et qui d’autre part, sentoit poiser sur ses espaules l’importunité de l’œconomie, ainsi qu’elle faict à moy; delibera de contenter vn ieune homme pauure, son fidele amy, abboyant apres les richesses; et luy feit present de toutes les siennes, grandes et excessiues, et de celles encor qu’il estoit en train d’accumuler tous les iours par la liberalité de Cyrus son bon maistre, et par la guerre: moyennant qu’il prinst la charge de l’entretenir et nourrir honnestement, comme son hoste et son amy. Ils vescurent ainsi depuis tres-heureusement: et esgalement contents du changement de leur condition.

    Pheraulas had passed through both fortunes and found that an increase in wealth was no increase in appetite for drinking, eating, sleeping and embracing his wife; and on the other hand he felt the burden of managing it weighing on his shoulders, as it does on mine. So he resolved to make happy a poor young man, his faithful friend, who was hungering after riches. He made him a present of all his own, which were great and excessive, including those he was accumulating every day through the liberality of Cyrus, his good master, and through war—on condition that the young man take on the charge of keeping and feeding him decently, as his guest and friend. They lived thus very happily ever after, both equally content with the change in their condition.

    The story is from Xenophon’s Education of Cyrus (Cyropaedia).

    Voyla vn tour que i’imiterois de grand courage. Et louë grandement la fortune d’vn vieil Prelat, que ie voy s’estre si purement demis de sa bourse, et de sa recepte, et de sa mise, tantost à vn seruiteur choisi, tantost à vn autre, qu’il a coulé vn long espace d’années, autant ignorant cette sorte d’affaires de son mesnage, comme vn estranger. La fiance de la bonté d’autruy, est un non leger tesmoignage de la bonté propre: partant la fauorise Dieu volontiers. Et pour son regard, ie ne voy point d’ordre de maison, ny plus dignement ny plus constamment conduit que le sien.

    There is a trick I would gladly imitate. And I greatly praise the good fortune of an old prelate whom I see to have handed over his purse, his income and his spending so completely—now to one chosen servant, now to another—that he has let a long stretch of years slip by as ignorant of this side of his household affairs as a stranger. Trust in another’s goodness is no slight testimony to one’s own goodness; so God readily favors it. And as for him, I see no household run more worthily or more steadily than his.

    Heureux, qui ait reglé à si iuste mesure son besoin, que ses richesses y puissent suffire sans son soing et empeschement: et sans que leur dispensation ou assemblage, interrompe d’autres occupations, qu’il suit, plus conuenables, plus tranquilles, et selon son cœur.

    Happy the man who has regulated his needs to so exact a measure that his riches can meet them without his care and trouble, and without their spending or gathering interrupting other occupations that he pursues, more fitting, more tranquil, and more after his own heart.

    Fortune supplies only the matter

    Ease, want and all things take their value from our opinion; the soul is master of its condition.

    L’aisance donc et l’indigence despendent de l’opinion d’vn chacun, et non plus la richesse, que la gloire, que la santé, n’ont qu’autant de beauté et de plaisir, que leur en preste celuy qui les possede. Chascun est bien ou mal, selon qu’il s’en trouue. Non de qui on le croid, mais qui le croid de soy, est content: et en cella seul la creance se donne essence et verité. La fortune ne nous fait ny bien ny mal: elle nous en offre seulement la matiere et la semence: laquelle nostre ame, plus puissante qu’elle, tourne et applique comme il luy plaist: seule cause et maistresse de sa condition heureuse ou malheureuse.

    Ease and want, then, depend on each man’s opinion; and riches, no more than glory or health, have only as much beauty and pleasure as their possessor lends them. Each man is well or ill off according to how he finds himself. Not the man whom others believe content, but the man who believes it of himself, is content; and in this alone belief gives itself essence and truth. Fortune does us neither good nor harm; she only offers us the matter and the seed of it, which our soul, more powerful than she, turns and applies as it pleases—the sole cause and mistress of its own happy or unhappy condition.

    Les accessions externes prennent saueur et couleur de l’interne constitution: comme les accoustrements nous eschauffent non de leur chaleur, mais de la nostre, laquelle ils sont propres à couuer et nourrir: qui en abrieroit vn corps froid, il en tireroit mesme seruice pour la froideur? ainsi se conserue la neige et la glace. Certes tout en la maniere qu’à vn faineant l’estude sert de tourment, à vn yurongne l’abstinence du vin, la frugalité est supplice au luxurieux, et l’exercice gehenne à vn homme delicat et oisif: ainsin en est-il du reste. Les choses ne sont pas si douloureuses, ny difficiles d’elles mesmes: mais nostre foiblesse et lascheté les fait telles.

    External additions take their flavor and color from the internal constitution, just as clothes warm us not with their own heat but with ours, which they are fit to brood over and nourish. If someone wrapped a cold body in them, would he not get the same service from them for keeping the cold? That is how snow and ice are preserved. Indeed, just as study is a torment to an idler and abstinence from wine to a drunkard, so frugality is torture to the sensualist and exercise to a soft and idle man; and so it is with the rest. Things are not so painful or difficult in themselves; it is our weakness and faintheartedness that make them so.

    Pour iuger des choses grandes et haultes, il faut un’ ame de mesme, autrement nous leur attribuons le vice, qui est le nostre. Vn auiron droit semble courbe en l’eau. Il n’importe pas seulement qu’on voye la chose, mais comment on la voye.

    To judge great and lofty things, one needs a soul of the same kind; otherwise we attribute to them the vice that is ours. A straight oar looks bent in the water. It matters not only that we see the thing, but how we see it.

    Or sus, pourquoy de tant de discours, qui persuadent diuersement les hommes de mespriser la mort, et de porter la douleur, n’en trouuons nous quelcun qui face pour nous? Et de tant d’especes d’imaginations qui l’ont persuadé à autruy, que chacun n’en applique il à soy vn le plus selon son humeur? S’il ne peut digerer la drogue forte et abstersiue, pour desraciner le mal, au moins qu’il la prenne lenitiue pour le soulager. *Opinio est quædam effeminata ac leuis: nec in dolore magis, quàm eadem in voluptate: qua, quum liquescimus fluimusque mollitia, apis aculeum sine clamore ferre non possumus...

    Come now: of so many arguments that persuade men in various ways to despise death and endure pain, why do we not find some one that works for us? And of so many kinds of notions that have persuaded others of it, why does each man not apply to himself the one that best suits his temperament? If he cannot digest the strong, purging drug that uproots the ill, let him at least take a soothing one to relieve it. *There is a certain spineless and frivolous opinion, as much in pain as in pleasure; when we melt and flow with softness under its sway, we cannot bear a bee’s sting without crying out...

    Cicero, Tusculan Disputations.

    Totum in eo est, vt tibi imperes.* Au demeurant on n’eschappe pas à la philosophie, pour faire valoir outre mesure l’aspreté des douleurs, et humaine foiblesse. Car on la contraint de se reietter à ces inuincibles repliques: S’il est mauuais de viure en necessité, au moins de viure en necessité, il n’est aucune necessité. Nul n’est mal long temps qu’à sa faute. Qui n’a le cœur de souffrir ny la mort ny la vie; qui ne veut ny resister ni fuir, que luy feroit-on?

    The whole matter lies in commanding yourself.* For the rest, we do not escape philosophy by exaggerating beyond measure the harshness of pain and human weakness. For we force her to fall back on these unanswerable replies: If it is bad to live in necessity, at least there is no necessity to live in necessity. No one is unhappy for long except by his own fault. He who has not the heart to endure either death or life, who will neither resist nor flee—what can be done for him?

    The maxim on necessity is Epicurus’, quoted by Seneca, Letters.