CEVX qui accusent les hommes d’aller tousiours beant apres les choses futures, et nous apprennent à nous saisir des biens presens, et nous rassoir en ceux-là, comme n’ayants aucune prise sur ce qui est à venir, voire assez moins que nous n’auons sur ce qui est passé, touchent la plus commune des humaines erreurs: s’ils osent appeller erreur, chose à quoy nature mesme nous achemine pour le seruice de la continuation de son ouurage, nous imprimant, comme assez d’autres, cette imagination fausse, plus ialouse de nostre action, que de nostre science. Nous ne sommes iamais chez nous, nous sommes tousiours au delà.
Those who accuse men of always gaping after future things, and teach us to seize hold of present goods and settle ourselves in them, since we have no grip on what is to come—indeed rather less than we have on what is past—touch on the most common of human errors. That is, if they dare to call an error something to which nature herself guides us for the service of the continuation of her work, imprinting in us, as she does many others, this false notion, being more jealous of our action than of our knowledge. We are never at home; we are always beyond.
La crainte, le desir, l’esperance, nous eslancent vers l’aduenir: et nous desrobent le sentiment et la consideration de ce qui est, pour nous amuser à ce qui sera, voire quand nous ne serons plus. Calamitosus est animus futuri anxius.
Fear, desire, hope fling us toward the future, and rob us of the feeling and consideration of what is, to occupy us with what will be, even when we shall no longer be. Wretched is the mind anxious about the future.
Ce grand precepte est souuent allegué en Platon, Fay ton faict, et te congnoy. Chascun de ces deux membres enueloppe generallement tout nostre deuoir: et semblablement enueloppe son compagnon. Qui auroit à faire son faict, verroit que sa premiere leçon, c’est cognoistre ce qu’il est, et ce qui luy est propre. Et qui se cognoist, ne prend plus l’estranger faict pour le sien: s’ayme, et se cultiue auant toute autre chose: refuse les occupations superflues, et les pensees, et propositions inutiles. Comme la folie quand on luy octroyera ce qu’elle desire, ne sera pas contente: aussi est la sagesse contente de ce qui est present, ne se desplait iamais de soy. Epicurus dispense son sage de la preuoyance et soucy de l’aduenir.
This great precept is often cited in Plato: “Do your own business, and know yourself.” Each of these two parts generally embraces our whole duty, and likewise embraces its companion. Whoever had to do his own business would see that his first lesson is to know what he is and what is proper to him. And whoever knows himself no longer takes another’s business for his own; he loves and cultivates himself before anything else; he refuses superfluous occupations and useless thoughts and propositions. Just as folly will not be content even when granted what it desires, so wisdom is content with what is present and is never displeased with itself. Epicurus exempts his sage from foresight and care about the future.
Entre les loix qui regardent les trespassez, celle icy me semble autant solide, qui oblige les actions des Princes à estre examinees apres leur mort: ils sont compagnons, sinon maistres des loix: ce que la Iustice n’a peu sur leurs testes, c’est raison qu’elle l’ayt sur leur reputation, et biens de leurs successeurs: choses que souuent nous preferons à la vie. C’est vne vsance qui apporte des commoditez singulieres aux nations où elle est obseruee, et desirable à tous bons Princes: qui ont à se plaindre de ce, qu’on traitte la memoire des meschants comme la leur. Nous deuons la subiection et obeïssance egalement à tous Rois: car elle regarde leur office: mais l’estimation, non plus que l’affection, nous ne la deuons qu’à leur vertu.
Among the laws concerning the dead, this one seems to me as sound as any: the one that requires the actions of princes to be examined after their death. They are companions, if not masters, of the laws; what justice could not do to their persons, it is right that it should do to their reputation and to the property of their successors—things we often prefer to life. It is a practice that brings singular benefits to the nations where it is observed, and one to be desired by all good princes, who have reason to complain that the memory of the wicked is treated like their own. We owe subjection and obedience equally to all kings, for that concerns their office; but esteem, no more than affection, we owe only to their virtue.
Donnons à l’ordre politique de les souffrir patiemment, indignes: de celer leurs vices: d’aider de nostre recommandation leurs actions indifferentes, pendant que leur auctorité a besoin de nostre appuy. Mais nostre commerce finy, ce n’est pas raison de refuser à la Iustice, et à nostre liberté, l’expression de noz vrays ressentiments: et nommément de refuser aux bons subiects, la gloire d’auoir reueremment et fidellement serui vn maistre, les imperfections duquel leur estoient si bien cognues: frustrant la posterité d’vn si vtile exemple. Et ceux, qui, par respect de quelque obligation priuee espousent iniquement la memoire d’vn Prince mesloüable, font iustice particuliere aux despends de la Iustice publique.
Let us grant to the political order that we suffer them patiently when they are unworthy, conceal their vices, and support with our commendation their actions that are neither good nor bad, while their authority needs our backing. But once our dealings with them are over, it is not reasonable to refuse justice and our own liberty the expression of our true feelings; and in particular to refuse good subjects the glory of having reverently and faithfully served a master whose imperfections were so well known to them—thus depriving posterity of so useful an example. And those who, out of regard for some private obligation, wrongfully espouse the memory of a blameworthy prince do private justice at the expense of public justice.
Titus Liuius dict vray, que le langage des hommes nourris sous la Royauté, est tousiours plein de vaines ostentations et faux tesmoignages: chascun esleuant indifferemment son Roy, à l’extreme ligne de valeur et grandeur souueraine. On peult reprouuer la magnanimité de ces deux soldats, qui respondirent à Neron, à sa barbe, l’vn enquis de luy, pourquoy il luy vouloit mal: Ie t’aimoy quand tu le valois: mais despuis que tu és deuenu parricide, boutefeu, basteleur, cochier, ie te hay, comme tu merites. L’autre, pourquoy il le vouloit tuer; Par ce que ie ne trouue autre remede à tes continuels malefices.
Livy speaks truly when he says that the language of men raised under kingship is always full of vain boasting and false testimony, each man indiscriminately exalting his king to the farthest limit of worth and sovereign greatness. One may disapprove of the magnanimity of those two soldiers who answered Nero to his face. The one, asked by him why he wished him ill: “I loved you when you deserved it; but since you have become a parricide, an arsonist, a mountebank, a charioteer, I hate you as you deserve.” The other, asked why he wanted to kill him: “Because I can find no other remedy for your continual crimes.”
Mais les publics et vniuersels tesmoignages, qui apres sa mort ont esté rendus, et le seront à tout iamais, à luy, et à tous meschans comme luy, de ses tiranniques et vilains deportements, qui de sain entendement les peut reprouuer?
But as for the public and universal testimonies that have been given since his death, and will be forever, to him and to all wicked men like him, concerning his tyrannical and vile conduct—who in his right mind can disapprove of them?
Il me desplaist, qu’en vne si saincte police que la Lacedemonienne, se fust meslée vne si feinte ceremonie à la mort des Roys. Tous les confederez et voysins, et tous les Ilotes, hommes, femmes, pesle-mesle, se descoupoient le front, pour tesmoignage de deuil: et disoient en leurs cris et lamentations, Que celuy la, quel qu’il eust esté, estoit le meilleur Roy de tous les leurs: attribuants au reng, le los qui appartenoit au merite; et, qui appartient au premier merite, au postreme et dernier reng.
It displeases me that in so holy a government as that of Sparta so false a ceremony should have been mixed in at the death of kings. All the allies and neighbors, and all the Helots, men and women pell-mell, gashed their foreheads in token of mourning, and said in their cries and lamentations that this king, whatever he had been, was the best king of all they had ever had—attributing to rank the praise that belonged to merit, and giving what belongs to the highest merit to the last and lowest rank.
Aristote, qui remue toutes choses, s’enquiert sur le mot de Solon, Que nul auant mourir ne peut estre dict heureux, Si celuy la mesme, qui a vescu, et qui est mort à souhait, peut estre dict, heureux, si sa renommee va mal, si sa posterité est miserable. Pendant que nous nous remuons, nous nous portons par preoccupation où il nous plaist: mais estant hors de l’estre, nous n’auons aucune communication auec ce qui est. Et seroit meilleur de dire à Solon, que iamais homme n’est donc heureux, puis qu’il ne l’est qu’apres qu’il n’est plus. quisquam / Vix radicitus è vita se tollit, et eiicit: / Sed facit esse sui quiddam super inscius ipse, / Nec remouet satis à proiecto corpore sese, et / Vindicat.
Aristotle, who stirs up everything, inquires, concerning Solon’s saying that no one can be called happy before his death, whether even the man who has lived and died as he would wish can be called happy if his reputation fares badly and his posterity is wretched. While we are in motion, we carry ourselves by anticipation wherever we please; but once out of being, we have no communication with what is. And it would be better to tell Solon that no man is ever happy, then, since he is happy only when he no longer exists. Hardly anyone / Pulls himself up by the roots and casts himself out of life: / Without knowing it, he makes something of himself survive, / Nor does he withdraw and free himself enough from the body he has / Cast away.
Bertrand du Glesquin mourut au siege du Chasteau de Rancon, pres du Puy en Auuergne: les assiegez s’estans rendus apres, furent obligez de porter les clefs de la place sur le corps du trespassé. Barthelemy d’Aluiane, General de l’armee des Venitiens, estant mort au seruice de leurs guerres en la Bresse, et son corps ayant esté rapporté à Venise par le Veronois, terre ennemie; la pluspart de ceux de l’armee estoient d’aduis, qu’on demandast sauf-conduit pour le passage à ceux de Veronne: mais Theodore Triuulce y contredit; et choisit plustost de le passer par viue force, au hazard du combat: N’estant conuenable, disoit-il, que celuy qui en sa vie n’auoit iamais eu peur de ses ennemis, estant mort fist demonstration de les craindre.
Bertrand du Guesclin died at the siege of the castle of Rancon, near Le Puy in Auvergne; the besieged, who surrendered afterward, were obliged to carry the keys of the place to the dead man’s body. Bartolomeo d’Alviano, general of the Venetian army, died in the service of their wars in the region of Brescia, and his body was to be carried back to Venice through the territory of Verona, enemy land. Most of the army were of the opinion that they should ask the Veronese for a safe-conduct for the passage; but Theodore Trivulzio opposed this, and chose rather to force a passage, at the risk of battle: “For it is not fitting,” he said, “that one who in his lifetime was never afraid of his enemies should, being dead, show any sign of fearing them.”
De vray, en chose voisine, par les loix Grecques, celuy qui demandoit à l’ennemy vn corps pour l’inhumer, renonçoit à la victoire, et ne lui estoit plus loisible d’en dresser trophee: à celuy qui en estoit requis, c’estoit tiltre de gain. Ainsi perdit Nicias l’auantage qu’il auoit nettement gaigné sur les Corinthiens: et au rebours, Agesilaus asseura celuy qui luy estoit bien doubteusement acquis sur les Bœotiens.
Indeed, in a related matter, by Greek law, whoever asked the enemy for a body to bury renounced the victory, and was no longer allowed to raise a trophy for it; for the one who was asked, it was a title to victory. Thus Nicias lost the advantage he had clearly won over the Corinthians; and conversely, Agesilaus secured the one he had very doubtfully gained over the Boeotians.
Ces traits se pourroient trouuer estranges, s’il n’estoit receu de tout temps, non seulement d’estendre le soing de nous, au delà cette vie, mais encore de croire, que bien souuent les faueurs celestes nous accompaignent au tombeau, et continuent à nos reliques. Dequoy il y a tant d’exemples anciens, laissant à part les nostres, qu’il n’est besoing que ie m’y estende.
These traits might seem strange were it not accepted from all time not only to extend our concern for ourselves beyond this life, but also to believe that very often the favors of heaven accompany us to the tomb and continue to our remains. Of this there are so many ancient examples, leaving aside our own, that I need not dwell on it.
Edouard premier Roy d’Angleterre, ayant essayé aux longues guerres d’entre luy et Robert Roy d’Escosse, combien sa presence donnoit d’aduantage à ses affaires, rapportant tousiours la victoire de ce qu’il entreprenoit en personne; mourant, obligea son fils par solennel serment, à ce qu’estant trespassé, il fist bouillir son corps pour desprendre sa chair d’auec les os, laquelle il fit enterrer: et quant aux os, qu’il les reseruast pour les porter auec luy, et en son armee, toutes les fois qu’il luy aduiendroit d’auoir guerre contre les Escossois: comme si la destinee auoit fatalement attaché la victoire à ses membres.
Edward I, king of England, had found by trial, in the long wars between him and Robert, king of Scotland, how much his presence gave the advantage to his affairs, for he always carried off the victory in what he undertook in person. When dying, he bound his son by solemn oath that, once he was dead, he should have his body boiled to separate the flesh from the bones, and have the flesh buried; and as for the bones, that he should keep them, to carry them with him and with his army whenever he happened to be at war with the Scots: as if destiny had fatally attached victory to his limbs.
Iean Zischa, qui troubla la Boheme pour la deffence des erreurs de VViclef, voulut qu’on l’escorchast apres sa mort, et de sa peau qu’on fist vn tabourin à porter à la guerre contre ses ennemis: estimant que cela ayderoit à continuer les aduantages qu’il auoit eus aux guerres, par luy conduictes contre eux. Certains Indiens portoient ainsin au combat contre les Espaignols, les ossemens d’vn de leurs Capitaines, en consideration de l’heur qu’il auoit eu en viuant. Et d’autres peuples en ce mesme monde, trainent à la guerre les corps des vaillans hommes, qui sont morts en leurs batailles, pour leur seruir de bonne fortune et d’encouragement.
Jan Žižka, who threw Bohemia into turmoil in defense of Wycliffe’s errors, wished to be flayed after his death and his skin made into a drum to be carried to war against his enemies, believing that this would help continue the advantages he had had in the wars he had led against them. Certain Indians likewise carried into battle against the Spaniards the bones of one of their captains, in consideration of the good fortune he had had in his lifetime. And other peoples in this same world drag to war the bodies of the valiant men who have died in their battles, to serve them as good luck and encouragement.
Les premiers exemples ne reseruent au tombeau, que la reputation acquise par leurs actions passees: mais ceux-cy y veulent encore mesler la puissance d’agir.
The first examples reserve for the tomb only the reputation acquired by past actions; but these want to mix in the power to act as well.
Le faict du Capitaine Bayard est de meilleure composition, lequel se sentant blessé à mort d’vne harquebusade dans le corps, conseillé de se retirer de la meslee, respondit qu’il ne commenceroit point sur sa fin à tourner le dos à l’ennemy: et ayant combatu autant qu’il eut de force, se sentant defaillir, et eschapper du cheual, commanda à son maistre d’hostel, de le coucher au pied d’vn arbre: mais que ce fust en façon qu’il mourust le visage tourné vers l’ennemy: comme il fit.
The deed of Captain Bayard is of a more reasonable sort. Feeling himself mortally wounded by an arquebus shot in the body, and advised to withdraw from the fray, he replied that he would not begin, at his end, to turn his back on the enemy. And having fought as long as he had strength, feeling himself fainting and slipping from his horse, he ordered his steward to lay him at the foot of a tree, but in such a way that he would die with his face turned toward the enemy; and so he did.
Il me faut adiouster cet autre exemple aussi remarquable pour cette consideration, que nul des precedens. L’Empereur Maximilian bisayeul du Roy Philippes, qui est à present, estoit Prince doué de tout plein de grandes qualitez, et entre autres d’vne beauté de corps singuliere: mais parmy ces humeurs, il auoit ceste cy bien contraire à celle des Princes, qui pour despescher les plus importants affaires, font leur throsne de leur chaire percee: c’est qu’il n’eut iamais valet de chambre, si priué, à qui il permist de le voir en sa garderobbe: il se desroboit pour tomber de l’eau, aussi religieux qu’vne pucelle à ne descouurir ny à Medecin ny à qui que ce fust les parties qu’on a accoustumé de tenir cachees.
I must add this other example, as remarkable in this respect as any of the preceding. The Emperor Maximilian, great-grandfather of King Philip who now reigns, was a prince endowed with a great many fine qualities, and among others a singular beauty of body. But among these traits he had one quite contrary to that of those princes who, to dispatch the most important business, make their close-stool their throne: he never had a valet de chambre so intimate that he would allow him to see him in his privy. He would steal away to pass water, as scrupulous as a maiden about uncovering, to a doctor or to anyone whatever, the parts we are accustomed to keep hidden.
Moy qui ay la bouche si effrontée, suis pourtant par complexion touché de cette honte: si ce n’est à vne grande suasion de la necessité ou de la volupté, ie ne communique gueres aux yeux de personne, les membres et actions, que nostre coustume ordonne estre couuertes: i’y souffre plus de contrainte que ie n’estime bien seant à vn homme, et sur tout à vn homme de ma profession: mais luy en vint à telle superstition, qu’il ordonna par parolles expresses de son testament, qu’on luy attachast des calessons, quand il seroit mort. Il deuoit adiouster par codicille, que celuy qui les luy monteroit eust les yeux bandez.
I, who have so bold a mouth, am nonetheless by temperament touched with this sense of shame. Unless under strong pressure from necessity or pleasure, I hardly ever expose to anyone’s eyes the members and actions that our custom orders to be covered. I suffer more constraint in this than I think becoming in a man, and above all in a man of my profession. But he carried it to such superstition that he ordered, in express words in his will, that drawers be fastened on him when he was dead. He should have added by codicil that the man who pulled them on him should have his eyes blindfolded.
L’ordonnance que Cyrus faict à ses enfans, que ny eux, ny autre, ne voye et touche son corps, apres que l’ame en sera separee: ie l’attribue à quelque sienne deuotion: car et son Historien et luy, entre leurs grandes qualitez, ont semé par tout le cours de leur vie, vn singulier soin et reuerence à la religion.
The order Cyrus gives his children, that neither they nor anyone else should see or touch his body after the soul has left it, I attribute to some piety of his; for both his historian and he himself, among their great qualities, sowed throughout the course of their lives a singular care and reverence for religion.
Ce conte me despleut, qu’vn grand me fit d’vn mien allié, homme assez cogneu et en paix et en guerre. C’est que mourant bien vieil en sa cour, tourmenté de douleurs extremes de la pierre, il amusa toutes ses heures dernieres auec vn soing vehement, à disposer l’honneur et la ceremonie de son enterrement: et somma toute la noblesse qui le visitoit, de luy donner parolle d’assister à son conuoy.
I was displeased by a story a great man told me about a kinsman of mine by marriage, a man rather well known in both peace and war. It is that, dying very old at his court, tormented by extreme pains from the stone, he spent all his last hours with intense concern arranging the honor and ceremony of his burial, and called upon all the nobility who visited him to give him their word that they would attend his funeral procession.
A ce Prince mesme, qui le vid sur ces derniers traits, il fit vne instante supplication que sa maison fust commandee de s’y trouuer; employant plusieurs exemples et raisons, à prouuer que c’estoit chose qui appartenoit à vn homme de sa sorte: et sembla expirer content ayant retiré cette promesse, et ordonné à son gré la distribution, et ordre de sa montre. Ie n’ay guere veu de vanité si perseuerante.
Of this very prince, who saw him in his last moments, he made an urgent request that his household be ordered to attend, using several examples and reasons to prove that it was a thing befitting a man of his rank. And he seemed to die content, having obtained this promise and arranged to his liking the distribution and order of his parade. I have hardly ever seen so persevering a vanity.
Cette autre curiosité contraire, en laquelle ie n’ay point aussi faute d’exemple domestique, me semble germaine à ceste-cy: d’aller se soignant et passionnant à ce dernier poinct, à regler son conuoy, à quelque particuliere et inusitee parsimonie, à vn seruiteur et vne lanterne. Ie voy louer cett’humeur, et l’ordonnance de Marcus Æmylius Lepidus, qui deffendit à ses heritiers d’employer pour luy les ceremonies qu’on auoit accoustumé en telles choses. Est-ce encore temperance et frugalité, d’euiter la despence et la volupté, desquelles l’vsage et la cognoissance nous est imperceptible? Voila vne aisee reformation et de peu de coust. S’il estoit besoin d’en ordonner, ie seroy d’aduis, qu’en celle là, comme en toutes actions de la vie, chascun en rapportast la regle, au degré de sa fortune.
This other, opposite fussiness, of which I also do not lack examples in my own family, seems to me close kin to this one: to go on worrying and fretting at this last moment over regulating one’s funeral to some particular and unusual parsimony—one servant and one lantern. I see this temperament praised, and the instruction of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who forbade his heirs to employ for him the ceremonies customary in such matters. Is it still temperance and frugality to avoid an expense and a pleasure whose use and knowledge are imperceptible to us? That is an easy reform, and one of small cost. If there were need to give orders about it, I would be of the opinion that in this, as in all the actions of life, each man should measure the rule by the degree of his fortune.
Et le Philosophe Lycon prescrit sagement à ses amis, de mettre son corps où ils aduiseront pour le mieux: et quant aux funerailles, de les faire ny superflues ny mechaniques. Ie lairrois purement la coustume ordonner de cette ceremonie, et m’en remettray à la discretion des premiers à qui ie tomberay en charge. Totus hic locus est contemnendus in nobis, non negligendus in nostris. Et est sainctement dict à vn sainct: Curatio funeris, conditio sepulturæ, pompa exequiarum, magis sunt viuorum solatia, quàm subsidia mortuorum. Pourtant Socrates à Criton, qui sur l’heure de sa fin luy demande, comment il veut estre enterré: Comme vous voudrez, respond-il.
And the philosopher Lycon wisely instructs his friends to put his body wherever they think best, and as for the funeral, to make it neither extravagant nor shabby. I would leave it purely to custom to order this ceremony, and I shall defer to the discretion of the first people into whose charge I fall. This whole matter is to be despised in our own case, not neglected in that of our people. And it is saintly said by a saint: The care of a funeral, the manner of burial, the pomp of obsequies, are more a consolation to the living than a help to the dead. So Socrates, when Crito asked him at the hour of his end how he wished to be buried, answered: “As you wish.”
Si i’auois à m’en empescher plus auant, ie trouuerois plus galand, d’imiter ceux qui entreprennent viuans et respirans, iouyr de l’ordre et honneur de leur sepulture: et qui se plaisent de voir en marbre leur morte contenance. Heureux qui sachent resiouyr et gratifier leur sens par l’insensibilité, et viure de leur mort!
If I had to concern myself any further with it, I would find it more stylish to imitate those who undertake, while alive and breathing, to enjoy the order and honor of their tomb, and who take pleasure in seeing their dead countenance in marble. Happy those who know how to delight and gratify their senses through insensibility, and to live by their death!
A peu, que ie n’entre en haine irreconciliable contre toute domination populaire: quoy qu’elle me semble la plus naturelle et equitable: quand il me souuient de cette inhumaine iniustice du peuple Athenien: de faire mourir sans remission, et sans les vouloir seulement ouïr en leurs defenses, ces braues Capitaines, venants de gaigner contre les Lacedemoniens la bataille naualle pres les Isles Arginenses: la plus contestee, la plus forte bataille, que les Grecs aient onques donnee en mer de leurs forces: par ce qu’apres la victoire, ils auoient suiuy les occasions que la loy de la guerre leur presentoit, plustost que de s’arrester à recueillir et inhumer leurs morts. Et rend cette execution plus odieuse, le faict de Diomedon.
I come close to conceiving an irreconcilable hatred against all popular rule—though it seems to me the most natural and equitable—when I remember that inhuman injustice of the Athenian people: putting to death without mercy, and without even being willing to hear their defense, those brave captains who had just won the naval battle against the Spartans near the Arginusae islands, the most hotly contested and the strongest battle the Greeks ever fought at sea with their own forces—because after the victory they had followed up the opportunities that the law of war offered them rather than stopping to gather and bury their dead. And what makes this execution more odious is the conduct of Diomedon.
Cettuy cy est l’vn des condamnez, homme de notable vertu, et militaire et politique: lequel se tirant auant pour parler, apres auoir ouy l’arrest de leur condemnation, et trouuant seulement lors temps de paisible audience, au lieu de s’en seruir au bien de sa cause, et à descouurir l’euidente iniquité d’vne si cruelle conclusion, ne representa qu’vn soin de la conseruation de ses iuges: priant les Dieux de tourner ce iugement à leur bien: et à fin que, par faute de rendre les vœux que luy et ses compagnons auoient voué, en recognoissance d’vne si illustre fortune, ils n’attirassent l’ire des Dieux sur eux, les aduertissant quels vœux c’estoient. Et sans dire autre chose, et sans marchander, s’achemina de ce pas courageusement au supplice.
He was one of the condemned, a man of notable virtue, both military and political. He stepped forward to speak after hearing the sentence of their condemnation, finding only then time for a quiet hearing. Instead of using it for the good of his cause, and to expose the evident iniquity of so cruel a decision, he showed concern only for the preservation of his judges: he prayed the gods to turn this judgment to their good; and, lest by failing to pay the vows that he and his companions had made in gratitude for so illustrious a fortune they should bring the wrath of the gods upon themselves, he informed them what those vows were. And without saying anything more, and without haggling, he went straight off courageously to his execution.
La fortune quelques annees apres les punit de mesme pain souppe. Car Chabrias Capitaine general de leur armee de mer, ayant eu le dessus du combat contre Pollis Admiral de Sparte, en l’isle de Naxe, perdit le fruict tout net et content de sa victoire, tres-important à leurs affaires, pour n’encourir le malheur de cet exemple, et pour ne perdre peu de corps morts de ses amis, qui flottoyent en mer, laissa voguer en sauueté vn monde d’ennemis viuants, qui depuis leur feirent bien acheter cette importune superstition. *Quæris, quo iaceas, post obitum, loco?
A few years later Fortune paid them back in the same coin. For Chabrias, captain-general of their navy, having gained the upper hand in the battle against Pollis, admiral of Sparta, at the island of Naxos, lost the clear and solid fruit of his victory, which was of great importance to their affairs, so as not to incur the misfortune of that example. So as not to lose a few dead bodies of his friends floating in the sea, he let a world of living enemies sail off in safety, who afterward made them pay dearly for this ill-timed superstition. *Do you ask where you will lie after death?
/ Quo non nata iacent. Cet autre redonne le sentiment du repos, à vn corps sans ame, Neque sepulcrum, quo recipiat, habeat portum corporis: / Vbi, remissa humana vita, corpus requiescat à malis.* Tout ainsi que nature nous faict voir, que plusieurs choses mortes ont encore des relations occultes à la vie. Le vin s’altere aux caues, selon aucunes mutations des saisons de sa vigne. Et la chair de venaison change d’estat aux saloirs et de goust, selon les loix de la chair viue, à ce qu’on dit.
/ Where the unborn lie. This other one restores the feeling of rest to a soulless body: May he have no tomb to receive him, no haven for his body, / Where, human life laid down, the body may rest from its ills.* Just as nature shows us that many dead things still have hidden relations with life. Wine changes in the cellars according to certain changes in the seasons of its vine. And the flesh of game changes its condition and its taste in the salting tubs according to the laws of living flesh, so they say.