I’AY souuent ouy dire, que la coüardise est mere de la cruauté: et si ay par experience apperçeu, que cette aigreur, et aspreté de courage malitieux et inhumain, s’accompaigne coustumierement de mollesse feminine. I’en ay veu des plus cruels, subiets à pleurer aiséement, et pour des causes friuoles. Alexandre tyran de Pheres, ne pouuoit souffrir d’ouyr au theatre le ieu des tragedies, de peur que ses cytoyens ne le vissent gemir aux malheurs d’Hecuba, et d’Andromache, luy qui sans pitié, faisoit cruellement meurtrir tant de gens tous les iours. Seroit-ce foiblesse d’ame qui les rendist ainsi ployables à toutes extremitez? La vaillance, de qui c’est l’effect de s’exercer seulement contre la resistence, Nec nisi bellantis gaudet ceruice iuuenci, s’arreste à voir l’ennemy à sa mercy.
I have often heard it said that cowardice is the mother of cruelty. And I have indeed noticed by experience that this bitterness and harshness of a malicious and inhuman heart is usually accompanied by a spineless softness. I have seen some of the cruelest men prone to weep easily, and for trivial reasons. Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, could not bear to watch tragedies performed in the theater, for fear his citizens would see him groan at the misfortunes of Hecuba and Andromache—he who pitilessly had so many people cruelly murdered every day. Could it be weakness of soul that makes them so pliable to every extreme? Valor, whose nature is to exercise itself only against resistance—Nor does it delight except in the neck of a bullock that fights back—stops when it sees the enemy at its mercy.
Mais la pusillanimité, pour dire qu’elle est aussi de la feste, n’ayant peu se mesler à ce premier rolle, prend pour sa part le second, du massacre et du sang. Les meurtres des victoires, s’exercent ordinairement par le peuple, et par les officiers du bagage. Et ce qui fait voir tant de cruautez inouies aux guerres populaires, c’est que cette canaille de vulgaire s’aguerrit, et se gendarme, à s’ensanglanter iusques aux coudes, et deschiqueter vn corps à ses pieds, n’ayant resentiment d’autre vaillance. Et lupus et turpes instant morientibus vrsi, / Et quæcunque minor nobilitate fera est. Comme les chiens coüards, qui deschirent en la maison, et mordent les peaux des bestes sauuages, qu’ils n’ont osé attaquer aux champs.
But cowardice, so as to say that it too was at the party, having been unable to take part in that first role, takes for its share the second, that of massacre and blood. The killings that follow victories are usually carried out by the common people and the officers of the baggage train. And what causes so many unheard-of cruelties to be seen in popular wars is that this rabble of common people plays the warrior and the man-at-arms by bloodying itself up to the elbows and hacking to pieces a body at its feet, having no feeling for any other kind of valor. Both the wolf and the foul bears set upon the dying, / and every beast of lesser nobility. Like cowardly dogs, which in the house tear and bite the skins of wild beasts they did not dare attack in the fields.
Qu’est-ce qui faict en ce temps, nos querelles toutes mortelles? et que là où nos peres auoyent quelque degré de vengeance, nous commençons à cette heure par le dernier: et ne se parle d’arriuée que de tuer? Qu’est-ce, si ce n’est coüardise?
What is it that makes all our quarrels mortal nowadays? And that, where our fathers had some gradation in revenge, we now begin with the last degree, and from the very outset there is talk of nothing but killing? What is it, if not cowardice?
Chacun sent bien, qu’il y a plus de brauerie et desdain, à battre son ennemy, qu’à l’acheuer, et de le faire bouquer, que de le faire mourir. D’auantage que l’appetit de vengeance s’en assouuit et contente mieux: car elle ne vise qu’à donner ressentiment de soy. Voyla pourquoy, nous n’attaquons pas vne beste, ou vne pierre, quand elle nous blesse, d’autant qu’elles sont incapables de sentir nostre reuenche. Et de tuer vn homme, c’est le mettre à l’abry de nostre offence.
Everyone can feel that there is more boldness and disdain in beating one’s enemy than in finishing him off, and in making him knuckle under than in making him die. Moreover, the appetite for revenge is better satisfied and contented that way, for revenge aims only at making itself felt. That is why we do not attack an animal or a stone when it hurts us: they are incapable of feeling our revenge. And to kill a man is to put him beyond the reach of our injury.
Et tout ainsi comme Bias crioit à vn meschant homme, le sçay que tost ou tard tu en seras puny, mais ie crains que ie ne le voye pas: et plaignoit les Orchomeniens, de ce que la penitence que Lyciscus eut de la trahison contre eux commise, venoit en saison, qu’il n’y auoit personne de reste, de ceux qui en auoient esté interessez, et ausquels deuoit toucher le plaisir de cette penitence. Tout ainsin est à plaindre la vengeance, quand celuy enuers lequel elle s’employe, pert le moyen de la souffrir. Car comme le vengeur y veut voir, pour en tirer du plaisir, il faut que celuy sur lequel il se venge, y voye aussi, pour en receuoir du desplaisir, et de la repentance.
Bias cried out to a wicked man, “I know that sooner or later you will be punished for it, but I fear I shall not see it.” And he pitied the Orchomenians because the repentance Lyciscus felt for the treachery he had committed against them came at a time when no one was left of those who had been harmed by it, and to whom the pleasure of that repentance should have fallen. In just the same way revenge is to be pitied when the man against whom it is directed loses the means of feeling it. For just as the avenger wants to see it, so as to get pleasure from it, so the man on whom he takes revenge must see it too, so as to receive pain and repentance from it.
Il s’en repentira, disons nous. Et pour luy auoir donné d’une pistolade en la teste, estimons nous qu’il s’en repente? Au rebours, si nous nous en prenons garde, nous trouuerons qu’il nous fait la mouë en tombant. Il ne nous en sçait pas seulement mauuais gré, c’est bien loing de s’en repentir. Et luy prestons le plus fauorable de touts les offices de la vie, qui est de le faire mourir promptement et insensiblement. Nous sommes à conniller, à trotter, et à fuir les officiers de la iustice, qui nous suyuent: et luy est en repos. Le tuer, est bon pour euiter l’offence à venir, non pour venger celle qui est faicte.
“He’ll be sorry for it,” we say. And because we have put a pistol shot in his head, do we think he is sorry? On the contrary, if we pay attention, we will find that he is making a face at us as he falls. He does not even bear us a grudge for it, let alone repent of it. And we do him the kindest of all life’s services, which is to make him die quickly and without feeling. We are left hiding in burrows, scurrying about and fleeing the officers of justice who are after us, while he is at rest. Killing him is good for avoiding a future injury, not for avenging one already done.
C’est vne action plus de crainte, que de brauerie: de precaution, que de courage: de defense, que d’entreprinse. Il est apparent que nous quittons par là, et la vraye fin de la vengeance, et le soing de nostre reputation. Nous craignons, s’il demeure en vie, qu’il nous recharge d’vne pareille. Ce n’est pas contre luy, c’est pour toy, que tu t’en deffais.
It is an act more of fear than of bravado, of precaution than of courage, of defense than of attack. It is plain that by it we abandon both the true end of revenge and the care of our reputation. We fear that if he stays alive he will come back at us with the same. It is not against him, it is for your own sake, that you get rid of him.
Au Royaume de Narsingue cet expedient nous demeureroit inutile. Là, non seulement les gents de guerre, mais aussi les artisans, demeslent leurs querelles à coups d’espée. Le Roy ne refuse point le camp à qui se veut battre: et assiste, quand ce sont personnes de qualité: estrenant le victorieux d’vne chaisne d’or: mais pour laquelle conquerir, le premier, à qui il en prend enuie, peut venir aux armes auec celuy qui la porte. Et pour s’estre desfaict d’vn combat, il en a plusieurs sur les bras.
In the kingdom of Narsinga this expedient would be of no use to us. There not only soldiers but artisans too settle their quarrels with the sword. The king never refuses a field to anyone who wants to fight, and he attends when they are persons of rank, presenting the victor with a gold chain. But to win that chain, the first man who feels like it may come to arms with the one who wears it. And by getting clear of one fight, he has several on his hands.
Si nous pensions par vertu estre tousiours maistres de nostre ennemy, et le gourmander à nostre poste, nous serions bien marris qu’il nous eschappast, comme il faict en mourant. Nous voulons vaincre plus seurement qu’honorablement. Et cherchons plus la fin, que la gloire, en nostre querelle.
If we thought that by our valor we would always be masters of our enemy and could lord it over him at our pleasure, we would be very sorry to have him escape us, as he does by dying. We want to win more safely than honorably. And in our quarrel we seek the end rather than the glory.
Asinius Pollio, pour vn honneste homme moins excusable, representa vne erreur pareille: qui ayant escript des inuectiues contre Plancus, attendoit qu’il fust mort, pour les publier. C’estoit faire la figue à vn aueugle et dire des pouïlles à vn sourd, et offenser vn homme sans sentiment plustost que d’encourir le hazard de son ressentiment. Aussi disoit on pour luy, que ce n’estoit qu’aux lutins de luitter les morts. Celuy qui attend à veoir trespasser l’autheur, duquel il veut combattre les escrits, que dit-il, sinon qu’il est foible et noisif? On disoit à Aristote, que quelqu’vn auoit mesdit de luy: Qu’il face plus, dit-il, qu’il me fouëtte, pourueu que ie n’y soy pas.
Asinius Pollio, less excusable in that he was an honorable man, displayed a similar error: having written invectives against Plancus, he waited until Plancus was dead to publish them. That was making rude gestures at a blind man and hurling insults at a deaf one, and offending a man without feeling rather than running the risk of his resentment. So it was said on Plancus’s behalf that only goblins wrestle with the dead. The man who waits to see an author die before attacking his writings—what is he saying, except that he is weak and quarrelsome? Aristotle was told that someone had spoken ill of him. “Let him do more,” he said; “let him whip me, so long as I am not there.”
Seconds in duels
Bringing seconds into duels is a kind of cowardice; Montaigne’s brother was jailed in Rome for it.
Nos peres se contentoyent de reuencher vne iniure par vn démenti, vn démenti par vn coup, et ainsi par ordre. Ils estoient assez valeureux pour ne craindre pas leur aduersaire, viuant, et outragé. Nous tremblons de frayeur, tant que nous le voyons en pieds. Et qu’il soit ainsi, nostre belle pratique d’auiourdhuy, porte elle pas de poursuyure à mort, aussi bien celuy que nous auons offencé, que celuy qui nous a offencez? C’est aussi vne espece de lascheté, qui a introduit en nos combats singuliers, cet vsage, de nous accompagner de seconds, et tiers, et quarts. C’estoit anciennement des duels, ce sont à cette heure rencontres, et batailles. La solitude faisoit peur aux premiers qui l’inuenterent: Quum in se cuique minimum fiduciæ esset.
Our fathers were content to repay an insult by giving the lie, the lie by a blow, and so on in order. They were valiant enough not to fear their adversary when he was alive and outraged. We tremble with fright as long as we see him on his feet. And to prove that this is so, does not our fine present-day practice require us to pursue to the death the man we have offended just as much as the man who has offended us? It is also a sort of cowardice that has brought into our single combats this custom of taking along seconds, and thirds, and fourths. In the old days these were duels; now they are skirmishes and battles. Solitude frightened the first men who invented this: Since each had very little confidence in himself.
Car naturellement quelque compagnie que ce soit, apporte confort, et soulagement au danger. On se seruoit anciennement de personnes tierces, pour garder qu’il ne s’y fist desordre et desloyauté, et pour tesmoigner de la fortune du combat. Mais depuis qu’on a pris ce train, qu’ils s’engagent eux mesmes, quiconque y est conuié, ne peut honnestement s’y tenir comme spectateur, de peur qu’on ne luy attribue, que ce soit faute ou d’affection, ou de cœur.
For naturally any company whatever brings comfort and relief in danger. In the old days third persons were used to make sure that no disorder or foul play took place, and to bear witness to the outcome of the combat. But since the practice has taken hold that they join in themselves, whoever is invited cannot honorably stand by as a spectator, for fear it be put down to a lack either of affection or of courage.
Outre l’iniustice d’vne telle action, et vilenie, d’engager à la protection de vostre honneur, autre valeur et force que la vostre, ie trouue du desaduantage à vn homme de bien, et qui pleinement se fie de soy, d’aller mesler sa fortune, à celle d’vn second: chacun court assez de hazard pour soy, sans le courir encore pour vn autre: et a assez à faire à s’asseurer en sa propre vertu, pour la deffence de sa vie, sans commettre chose si chere en mains tierces. Car s’il n’a esté expressement marchandé au contraire, des quatre, c’est vne partie liée. Si vostre second est à terre, vous en auez deux sus les bras, auec raison.
Besides the injustice and baseness of such an action—committing to the protection of your honor a valor and strength other than your own—I find it a disadvantage for a good man, who fully trusts himself, to go and mix his fortune with that of a second. Each man runs enough risk for himself without running it for another as well. And he has enough to do to rely on his own valor in defense of his life, without putting so precious a thing into a third party’s hands. For unless it has been expressly agreed otherwise, the four of them make one combined match. If your second is down, you have two on your hands, and rightly so.
Et de dire que c’est supercherie, elle l’est voirement: comme de charger bien armé, vn homme qui n’a qu’vn tronçon d’espée; ou tout sain, vn homme qui est desia fort blessé. Mais si ce sont auantages, que vous ayez gaigné en combatant, vous vous en pouuez seruir sans reproche. La disparité et inegalité ne se poise et considere, que de l’estat en quoy se commence la meslée: du reste prenez vous en à la Fortune. Et quand vous en aurez tout seul, trois sur vous, vos deux compaignons s’estant laissez tuer, on ne vous fait non plus de tort, que ie ferois à la guerre, de donner vn coup d’espee à l’ennemy, que ie verrois attaché à l’vn des nostres, de pareil auantage.
And as for saying that this is foul play—so it is indeed, like charging fully armed at a man who has only a stump of a sword, or, unhurt, at a man who is already badly wounded. But if these are advantages you have won in fighting, you may use them without reproach. Disparity and inequality are weighed and considered only according to the state in which the fight begins; for the rest, blame Fortune. And when you alone have three upon you, your two companions having let themselves be killed, you are done no more wrong than I would do in war by running my sword into an enemy I saw grappling with one of our men, with a like advantage.
La nature de la societé porte, où il y a trouppe contre trouppe (comme où nostre Duc d’Orleans, deffia le Roy d’Angleterre Henry, cent contre cent, trois cents contre autant, comme les Argiens contre les Lacedemoniens: trois à trois, comme les Horatiens contre les Curiatiens) que la multitude de chasque part, n’est considerée que pour vn homme seul. Par tout où il y a compagnie, le hazard y est confus et meslé.
Where there is troop against troop—as when our Duke of Orléans challenged King Henry of England, a hundred against a hundred; three hundred against as many, like the Argives against the Spartans; three against three, like the Horatii against the Curiatii—the nature of such a fellowship requires that the number on each side be regarded only as one single man. Wherever there is company, the risk is pooled and mingled.
I’ay interest domestique à ce discours. Car mon frere sieur de Matecoulom, fut conuié à Rome, à seconder vn Gentil-homme qu’il ne cognoissoit guere, lequel estoit deffendeur, et appellé par vn autre. En ce combat, il se trouua de fortune auoir en teste, vn qui luy estoit plus voisin et plus cogneu (ie voudrois qu’on me fist raison de ces loix d’honneur, qui vont si souuent choquant et troublant celles de la raison). Apres s’estre desfaict de son homme, voyant les deux maistres de la querelle, en pieds encores, et entiers, il alla descharger son compaignon. Que pouuoit il moins? deuoit-il se tenir coy, et regarder deffaire, si le sort l’eust ainsi voulu, celuy pour la deffence duquel, il estoit là venu?
I have a family interest in this discussion. For my brother, the Sieur de Mattecoulon, was invited in Rome to act as second to a gentleman he hardly knew, who was the defendant, having been challenged by another. In this combat he happened by chance to find himself facing a man who was closer to him and better known to him. (I wish someone would explain to me these laws of honor, which so often go clashing with and disturbing those of reason.) Having disposed of his man, and seeing the two principals in the quarrel still on their feet and unhurt, he went to relieve his companion. What less could he do? Should he have kept still and watched the defeat, if fate had so willed it, of the man he had come there to defend?
Ce qu’il auoit faict iusques alors, ne seruoit rien à la besongne: la querelle estoit indecise. La courtoisie que vous pouuez, et certes deuez faire à vostre ennemy, quand vous l’auez reduict en mauuais termes, et à quelque grand desaduantage, ie ne vois pas comment vous la puissiez faire, quand il va de l’interest d’autruy, où vous n’estes que suiuant, où la dispute n’est pas vostre. Il ne pouuoit estre ny iuste, ny courtois, au hazard de celuy auquel il s’estoit presté. Aussi fut-il deliuré des prisons d’Italie, par vne bien soudaine et solemne recommandation de nostre Roy. Indiscrette nation.
What he had done until then had done nothing for the business: the quarrel was undecided. The courtesy you can, and certainly should, show your enemy when you have brought him to a bad pass and put him at some great disadvantage—I do not see how you can show it when another man’s interest is at stake, where you are only a follower, where the dispute is not yours. He could be neither just nor courteous at the risk of the man to whom he had lent himself. And so he was freed from the prisons of Italy by a very prompt and solemn intercession from our king. Reckless nation!
Learning to fence
The French go to Italy to learn fencing, a skill unworthy of true valor and useless in war.
Nous ne nous contentons pas de faire sçauoir nos vices, et folies, au monde, par reputation: nous allons aux nations estrangeres, pour les leur faire voir en presence. Mettez trois François aux deserts de Lybie, ils ne seront pas vn mois ensemble, sans se harceler et esgratigner. Vous diriez que cette peregrination, est vne partie dressée, pour donner aux estrangers le plaisir de nos tragedies: et le plus souuent à tels, qui s’esiouyssent de nos maux, et qui s’en moquent. Nous allons apprendre en Italie à escrimer: et l’exerçons aux despends de nos vies, auant que de le sçauoir. Si faudroit-il suyuant l’ordre de la discipline, mettre la theorique auant la pratique. Nous trahissons nostre apprentissage: Primitiæ iuuenum miseræ, bellique futuri / Dura rudimenta!
We are not content to make our vices and follies known to the world by report; we go to foreign nations to show them off in person. Put three Frenchmen in the deserts of Libya, and they will not be together a month without harassing and scratching one another. You would think these travels of ours were a show put on to give foreigners the pleasure of our tragedies—and most often to those who rejoice in our misfortunes and laugh at them. We go to Italy to learn fencing, and we practice it at the cost of our lives before we know how. Yet the proper order of instruction would require us to put theory before practice. We betray our apprenticeship: Wretched first fruits of youth, harsh schooling / for the war to come!
Ie sçay bien que c’est vn art vtile à sa fin (au duel des deux Princes, cousins germains, en Hespaigne, le plus vieil, dit Tite Liue, par l’addresse des armes et par ruse, surmonta facilement les forces estourdies du plus ieune) et comme i’ay cognu par experience, duquel la cognoissance a grossi le cœur à aucuns, outre leur mesure naturelle. Mais ce n’est pas proprement vertu, puis qu’elle tire son appuy de l’addresse, et qu’elle prend autre fondement que de soy-mesme. L’honneur des combats consiste en la ialousie du courage, non de la science.
I know well that it is a skill useful for its purpose (in the duel between the two princes, first cousins, in Spain, the elder, says Livy, easily overcame the reckless strength of the younger by skill in arms and by cunning), and, as I have learned by experience, one whose mastery has swelled the courage of some men beyond its natural measure. But it is not properly valor, since it draws its support from skill and rests on some foundation other than itself. The honor of combat lies in rivalry of courage, not of knowledge.
Et pourtant ay-ie veu quelqu’vn de mes amis, renommé pour grand maistre en cet exercice, choisir en ses querelles, des armes, qui luy ostassent le moyen de cet aduantage: et lesquelles dépendoient entierement de la Fortune, et de l’asseurance: à fin qu’on n’attribuast sa victoire, plustost à son escrime, qu’à sa valeur. Et en mon enfance, la noblesse fuyoit la reputation de bon escrimeur comme iniurieuse: et se desroboit pour l’apprendre, comme mestier de subtilité, desrogeant à la vraye et naïfue vertu.
And so I have seen one of my friends, renowned as a great master of this exercise, choose for his quarrels weapons that deprived him of the means of this advantage, weapons that depended entirely on Fortune and on steadiness, so that his victory would not be put down to his fencing rather than to his valor. And in my childhood the nobility shunned the reputation of being a good fencer as an insult, and learned it in secret, as a trade of cunning, unworthy of true and natural valor.
Non schiuar, non parar, non ritirarsi, / Voglion costor, nè qui destrezza ha parte; / Non danno i colpi finti hor pieni, hor scarsi, / Toglie l’ira e il furor l’vso de l’arte, / Odi le spade horribilmente vrtarsi / A mezzo il ferro, il piè d’orma non parte, / Sempre è il piè fermo, é la man sempre in moto; / Nè scende taglio in van, ne punta a voto.
These men will not dodge, nor parry, nor give ground, / nor has dexterity any part here; / they deal no feinting blows, now full, now light; / rage and fury take away the use of skill. / Hear the swords clash horribly / blade on blade; no foot stirs from its print, / the foot is ever firm, the hand ever moving; / no cut falls in vain, no thrust into empty air.
Les butes, les tournois, les barrieres, l’image des combats guerriers, estoyent l’exercice de nos peres. Cet autre exercice, est d’autant moins noble, qu’il ne regarde qu’vne fin priuée: qui nous apprend à nous entreruyner, contre les loix et la iustice: et qui en toute façon, produict tousiours des effects dommageables. Il est bien plus digne et mieux seant, de s’exercer en choses qui asseurent, non qui offencent nostre police: qui regardent la publique seurté et la gloire commune. Publius Rutilius Consus fut le premier, qui instruisit le soldat, à manier ses armes par adresse et science, qui conioignit l’art à la vertu: non pour l’vsage de querelle priuée, ce fut pour la guerre et querelles du peuple Romain. Escrime populaire et ciuile.
Shooting at the butts, tournaments, jousting at the barriers—the image of warlike combat—were the exercises of our fathers. This other exercise is all the less noble in that it looks only to a private end. It teaches us to destroy one another, against the laws and justice, and in every way it always produces harmful effects. It is far more worthy and fitting to exercise ourselves in things that strengthen our government rather than harm it, things that look to public safety and the common glory. Publius Rutilius Consus was the first to teach the soldier to handle his weapons with skill and knowledge, who joined art to valor—not for use in private quarrels, but for war and the quarrels of the Roman people. Public and civic fencing.
Et outre l’exemple de Cæsar, qui ordonna aux siens de tirer principalement au visage des gensdarmes de Pompeius en la bataille de Pharsale: mille autres chefs de guerre se sont ainsin aduisez, d’inuenter nouuelle forme d’armes, nouuelle forme de frapper et de se couurir, selon le besoing de l’affaire present.
And besides the example of Caesar, who ordered his men to strike chiefly at the faces of Pompey’s horsemen at the battle of Pharsalus, a thousand other commanders have likewise thought of inventing new kinds of weapons, new ways of striking and of covering themselves, according to the needs of the business at hand.
Mais tout ainsi que Philopœmen condamna la lucte, en quoy il excelloit, d’autant que les preparatifs qu’on employoit à cet exercice, estoient diuers à ceux, qui appartiennent à la discipline militaire, à laquelle seule il estimoit les gens d’honneur, se deuoir amuser: il me semble aussi, que cette adresse à quoy on façonne ses membres, ces destours et mouuements, à quoy on dresse la ieunesse, en cette nouuelle eschole, sont non seulement inutiles, mais contraires plustost, et dommageables à l’vsage du combat militaire. Aussi y employent communement noz gents, des armes particulieres, et peculierement destinées à cet vsage. Et i’ay veu, qu’on ne trouuoit guere bon, qu’vn Gentil-homme, conuié à l’espée et au poignard, s’offrist en equipage de gendarme.
Philopoemen condemned wrestling, at which he excelled, because the training used for that exercise was different from what belongs to military discipline, to which alone he thought men of honor should devote themselves. In just the same way it seems to me that this dexterity to which we shape our limbs, these dodges and movements in which young men are trained in this new school, are not only useless but rather contrary and harmful to the practice of military combat. And so our people commonly use special weapons for it, intended specifically for that purpose. And I have seen it thought hardly proper for a gentleman challenged to sword and dagger to present himself in the equipment of a man-at-arms.
Ny qu’vn autre offrist d’y aller auec sa cape, au lieu du poignard. Il est digne de consideration, que Lachez, en Platon, parlant d’vn apprentissage de manier les armes, conforme au nostre, dit n’auoir iamais de cette eschole veu sortir nul grand homme de guerre, et nomméement des maistres d’icelle. Quant à ceux là, nostre experience en dit bien autant. Du reste, aumoins pouuons nous tenir que ce sont suffisances de nulle relation et correspondance. Et en l’institution des enfants de sa police, Platon interdit les arts de mener les poings, introduittes par Amycus et Epeius: et de lucter, par Antæus et Cecyo: par ce qu’elles ont autre but, que de rendre la ieunesse apte au seruice bellique, et n’y conferent point.
Or for another to offer to go with his cloak instead of a dagger. It is worth noting that Laches, in Plato, speaking of a training in handling weapons like ours, says he has never seen any great soldier come out of that school, and especially not from among its masters. As for those masters, our experience says as much. For the rest, at least we can hold that these are abilities with no relation or correspondence to each other. And in the education of the children of his commonwealth, Plato forbids the arts of fighting with the fists, introduced by Amycus and Epeius, and of wrestling, introduced by Antaeus and Cercyon, because they have an aim other than making the young fit for military service, and contribute nothing to it.
Mais ie m’en vois vn peu bien à gauche de mon theme.
But I am drifting rather a long way off course from my theme.
Why tyrants kill
Fear makes tyrants cruel; Philip of Macedon’s killings drive Theoxena to drown herself and her children.
L’Empereur Maurice, estant aduerty par songes, et plusieurs prognostiques, qu’vn Phocas, soldat pour lors incognu, le deuoit tuer: demandoit à son gendre Philippus, qui estoit ce Phocas, sa nature, ses conditions et ses mœurs: et comme entre autres choses Philippus luy dict, qu’il estoit lasche et craintif, l’Empereur conclud incontinent par là, qu’il estoit doncq meurtrier et cruel. Qui rend les tyrans si sanguinaires? c’est le soing de leur seurté, et que leur lasche cœur, ne leur fournit d’autres moyens de s’asseurer, qu’en exterminant ceux qui les peuuent offencer, iusques aux femmes, de peur d’vne esgratigneure.
The Emperor Maurice, warned by dreams and several omens that one Phocas, a soldier then unknown, was to kill him, asked his son-in-law Philippicus who this Phocas was, and about his nature, character and habits. And when, among other things, Philippicus told him that he was cowardly and fearful, the emperor at once concluded from this that he must therefore be murderous and cruel. What makes tyrants so bloodthirsty? It is concern for their own safety, and the fact that their cowardly hearts give them no other means of securing themselves than by exterminating those who can harm them—even women, for fear of a scratch.
Cuncta ferit, dum cuncta timet. Les premieres cruautez s’exercent pour elles mesmes, de là s’engendre la crainte d’vne iuste reuanche, qui produict apres vne enfileure de nouuelles cruautez, pour les estouffer les vnes par les autres. Philippus Roy de Macedoine, celuy qui eust tant de fusées à demesler auec le peuple Romain, agité de l’horreur de meurtres commis par son ordonnance: ne se pouuant resoudre contre tant de familles, en diuers temps offensées: print party de se saisir de touts les enfants de ceux qu’il auoit faict tuer, pour de iour en iour les perdre l’vn apres l’autre, et ainsin establir son repos.
He strikes at everything, because he fears everything. The first cruelties are committed for their own sake. From them is born the fear of a just revenge, which then produces a string of new cruelties, to smother the one with the other. Philip, King of Macedon—the one who had so many tangles to unravel with the Roman people—troubled by the horror of the murders committed by his order, and seeing no way to secure himself against so many families injured at various times, decided to seize all the children of those he had had killed, so as to do away with them day by day, one after another, and thus establish his peace.
Les belles matieres siesent bien en quelque place qu’on les seme. Moy, qui ay plus de soin du poids et vtilité des discours, que de leur ordre et suite, ne doy pas craindre de loger icy vn peu à l’escart, vne tres-belle histoire. Quand elles sont si riches de leur propre beauté, et se peuuent seules trop soustenir, ie me contente du bout d’vn poil, pour les ioindre à mon propos.
Fine material sits well wherever it is sown. I, who care more about the weight and usefulness of my reflections than about their order and sequence, need not fear to lodge a very fine story here, a little off to one side. When such stories are so rich in their own beauty and can more than stand on their own, I am content with the end of a hair to tie them to my subject.
Entre les autres condamnez par Philippus, auoit esté vn Herodicus, Prince des Thessaliens. Apres luy, il auoit encore depuis faict mourir ses deux gendres, laissants chacun vn fils bien petit. Theoxena et Archo estoyent les deux vefues. Theoxena ne peut estre induicte à se remarier, en estant fort poursuyuie. Archo espousa Poris, le premier homme d’entre les Æniens, et en eut nombre d’enfants, qu’elle laissa tous en bas aage. Theoxena, espoinçonnée d’vne charité maternelle enuers ses nepueux, pour les auoir en sa conduitte et protection, espousa Poris. Voicy venir la proclamation de l’edict du Roy.
Among others condemned by Philip had been one Herodicus, a prince of the Thessalians. After him, Philip had later put to death his two sons-in-law as well, each of whom left a very small son. Theoxena and Archo were the two widows. Theoxena could not be induced to remarry, though she was much courted. Archo married Poris, the leading man among the Aenians, and had a number of children by him, all of whom she left very young. Theoxena, spurred by a mother’s love for her nephews, married Poris so as to have them under her guidance and protection. Then came the proclamation of the king’s edict.
Cette courageuse mere, se deffiant et de la cruauté de Philippus, et de la licence de ses satellites enuers cette belle et tendre ieunesse, osa dire, qu’elle les tueroit plustost de ses mains, que de les rendre. Poris effrayé de cette protestation, luy promet de les desrober, et emporter à Athenes, en la garde d’aucuns siens hostes fidelles. Ils prennent occasion d’vne feste annuelle, qui se celebroit à Ænie en l’honneur d’Æneas, et s’y en vont. Ayans assisté le iour aux ceremonies et banquet publique, la nuict ils s’escoulent en vn vaisseau preparé, pour gaigner païs par mer. Le vent leur fut contraire: et se trouuans l’endemain à la veuë de la terre, d’où ils auoyent desmaré, furent suyuis par les gardes des ports.
This courageous mother, distrusting both Philip’s cruelty and the license of his henchmen toward these fine and tender young people, dared to say that she would kill them with her own hands rather than hand them over. Poris, alarmed at this declaration, promised her to steal them away and take them to Athens, into the keeping of some faithful friends of his. They seized the occasion of an annual festival held at Aenia in honor of Aeneas, and went there. Having attended the ceremonies and the public banquet by day, at night they slipped away in a ship made ready to carry them to safety by sea. The wind was against them; and finding themselves the next day within sight of the land they had set out from, they were pursued by the harbor guards.
Au ioindre, Poris s’embesoignant à haster les mariniers pour la fuitte, Theoxena forcenée d’amour et de vengeance, se reiettant à sa premiere proposition, fait apprest d’armes et de poison, et les presentant à leur veuë: Or sus mes enfants, la mort est meshuy le seul moyen de vostre defense et liberté, et sera matiere aux Dieux de leur saincte iustice: ces espées traictes, ces couppes pleines vous en ouurent l’entrée. Courage. Et toy mon fils, qui es plus grand, empoigne ce fer, pour mourir de la mort plus forte. Ayants d’vn costé cette vigoureuse conseillere, les ennemis de l’autre, à leur gorge, ils coururent de furie chacun à ce qui luy fut le plus à main. Et demy morts furent iettez en la mer.
As the guards closed in, while Poris was busy urging the sailors on in their flight, Theoxena, frantic with love and vengeance, went back to her first resolve. She got weapons and poison ready and, setting them before the children’s eyes, said: “Come now, my children, death is now the only means of your defense and your liberty, and it will give the gods matter for their holy justice. These drawn swords, these full cups, open the way to it for you. Courage! And you, my son, who are the eldest, take hold of this blade, to die the stronger death.” With this vigorous counselor on one side and the enemy at their throats on the other, they rushed in a frenzy, each to whatever was nearest to hand. And half dead, they were thrown into the sea.
Theoxena fiere d’auoir si glorieusement pourueu à la seureté de tous ses enfants, accollant chaudement son mary: Suyuons ces garçons, mon amy, et iouyssons de mesme sepulture auec eux. Et se tenants ainsin embrassez, se precipiterent: de maniere que le vaisseau fut ramené à bord, vuide de ses maistres.
Theoxena, proud of having so gloriously provided for the safety of all her children, embraced her husband warmly: “Let us follow these boys, my love, and share the same grave with them.” And holding each other thus, they threw themselves overboard, so that the ship was brought back to shore empty of its masters.
Torments beyond death
Everything beyond plain death is cruelty; Montaigne recalls atrocious tortures from history and his own century.
Les tyrans pour faire tous les deux ensemble, et tuer, et faire sentir leur colere, ils ont employé toute leur suffisance, à trouuer moyen d’allonger la mort. Ils veulent que leurs ennemis s’en aillent, mais non pas si viste, qu’ils n’ayent loisir de sauourer leur vengeance. Là dessus ils sont en grand peine: car si les tourmens sont violents, ils sont cours: s’ils sont longs, ils ne sont pas assez douloureux à leur gré: les voyla à dispenser leurs engins. Nous en voyons mille exemples en l’antiquité; et ie ne sçay si sans y penser, nous ne retenons pas quelque trace de cette barbarie.
Tyrants, in order to do both things at once—kill and make their anger felt—have used all their ingenuity to find ways of drawing out death. They want their enemies to go, but not so fast that they themselves lack the leisure to savor their revenge. Here they are in great difficulty: for if the torments are violent, they are short; if they are long, they are not painful enough to suit them. So there they are, measuring out their devices. We see a thousand examples of this in antiquity; and I do not know whether, without realizing it, we do not retain some trace of this barbarism.
Tout ce qui est au delà de la mort simple, me semble pure cruauté. Nostre iustice ne peut esperer, que celuy que la crainte de mourir et d’estre decapité, ou pendu, ne gardera de faillir; en soit empesché, par l’imagination d’vn feu languissant, ou des tenailles, ou de la roue. Et ie ne sçay cependant, si nous les iettons au desespoir. Car en quel estat peut estre l’ame d’vn homme, attendant vingt-quatre heures la mort, brisé sur vne rouë, ou à la vieille façon cloué à vne croix?
Everything beyond plain death seems to me pure cruelty. Our justice cannot hope that a man whom the fear of dying, of being beheaded or hanged, will not keep from wrongdoing will be stopped by the thought of a slow fire, or pincers, or the wheel. And I do not know, meanwhile, whether we are not driving such men to despair. For what state can a man’s soul be in, waiting twenty-four hours for death, broken on a wheel, or, in the old fashion, nailed to a cross?
Iosephe recite, que pendant les guerres des Romains en Iudée, passant où lon auoit crucifié quelques Iuifs, trois iours y auoit, il recogneut trois de ses amis, et obtint de les oster de là; les deux moururent, dit-il, l’autre vescut encore depuis.
Josephus relates that during the Romans’ wars in Judea, passing a place where some Jews had been crucified three days before, he recognized three of his friends and obtained leave to take them down. Two of them died, he says; the other lived on afterward.
Chalcondyle homme de foy, aux memoires qu’il a laissé des choses aduenues de son temps, et pres de luy, recite pour extreme supplice, celuy que l’Empereur Mechmed pratiquoit souuent, de faire trancher les hommes en deux parts, par le faux du corps, à l’endroit du diaphragme, et d’vn seul coup de simeterre: d’où il arriuoit, qu’ils mourussent comme de deux morts à la fois: et voyoit-on, dit-il, l’vne et l’autre part pleine de vie, se demener long temps apres pressée de tourment. Ie n’estime pas, qu’il y eust grand’souffrance en ce mouuement. Les supplices plus hideux à voir, ne sont pas tousiours les plus forts à souffrir.
Chalcondyles, a trustworthy man, in the memoirs he left of the things that happened in his time and near him, relates as the most extreme punishment one that the Emperor Mehmed often practiced: having men cut in two through the waist, at the diaphragm, with a single stroke of the scimitar. As a result they died, as it were, two deaths at once; and one could see, he says, both parts, full of life, thrashing about for a long time afterward in torment. I do not think there was much suffering in that movement. The punishments most hideous to see are not always the hardest to bear.
Et trouue plus atroce ce que d’autres historiens en recitent contre des Seigneurs Epirotes, qu’il les feit escorcher par le menu, d’vne dispensation si malicieusement ordonnée, que leur vie dura quinze iours à cette angoisse.
And I find more atrocious what other historians relate of his treatment of certain lords of Epirus: that he had them flayed bit by bit, in stages so maliciously arranged that their lives lasted fifteen days in that agony.
Et ces deux autres. Crœsus avant faict prendre vn Gentilhomme fauori de Pantaleon son frere, le mena en la boutique d’vn foullon, où il le feit gratter et carder, à coups de cardes et peignes de ce mestier, iusques à ce qu’il en mourut. George Sechel chef de ces paysans de Polongne, qui soubs tiltre de la Croysade, firent tant de maux, deffaict en battaille par le Vayuode de Transsiluanie, et prins, fut trois iours attaché nud sur vn cheualet; exposé à toutes les manieres de tourmens que chacun pouuoit apporter contre luy: pendant lequel temps on fit ieusner plusieurs autres prisonniers.
And these two others. Croesus, having had a gentleman who was a favorite of his brother Pantaleon seized, took him to a fuller’s shop, where he had him scraped and carded with the cards and combs of that trade until he died. George Sechel, leader of those peasants of Poland who did so much harm under the name of the Crusade, was defeated in battle by the Voivode of Transylvania and captured. He was tied naked for three days on a wooden horse, exposed to every kind of torment that anyone could bring against him; during which time several other prisoners were made to fast.
En fin, luy viuant et voyant, on abbreuua de son sang Lucat son cher frere, et pour le salut duquel seul il prioit, tirant sur soy toute l’enuie de leurs meffaits: et fit on paistre vingt de ses plus fauoris Capitaines, deschirans à belles dents sa chair, et en engloutissants les morceaux. Le reste du corps, et parties du dedans, luy expiré, furent mises bouillir, qu’on fit manger à d’autres de sa suitte.
Finally, while he was still alive and watching, they made Lucat, his dear brother, drink his blood—Lucat, for whose safety alone he was pleading, drawing upon himself all the blame for their misdeeds. And they made twenty of his most favored captains feed on him, tearing his flesh with their teeth and swallowing the pieces. The rest of his body and his inner parts, once he had expired, were put to boil and given to others of his followers to eat.